ENTRY ID: DW_2016_12_12

[HEADER]

• SourceType: WrittenArticle
• MasterIndexRef: 2016-12-12 — Володимир Жемчугов про своє лікування в Німеччині — DW — https://www.dw.com/uk/володимир-жемчужов-про-своє-лікування-в-німеччині/a-36737528 — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2016-12-12
• Outlet: DW
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.dw.com/uk/володимир-жемчужов-про-своє-лікування-в-німеччині/a-36737528
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.dw.com/uk/володимир-жемчужов-про-своє-лікування-в-німеччині/a-36737528
• HarvestStatus: OK_FULL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Volodymyr Zhemchugov details his medical treatment in Germany, including multiple surgeries to restore vision, hearing, and mobility after severe injuries from a mine explosion.
• He contrasts German advanced medical capabilities with limitations in Ukraine and expresses gratitude to volunteers and diaspora for support.
• Zhemchugov plans to return to Ukraine for advocacy on POW issues, highlighting family resilience and his desire to contribute to his country.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>>

Володимир Жемчугов про своє лікування в Німеччині

Азад Сафаров

12 грудня 2016 р.

П’ять операцій упродовж місяця зробили колишньому українському партизану Володимиру Жемчугову в Німеччині. Йому повернули зір, слух і можливість вільно пересуватись. DW зустрілось з Володимиром Жемчуговим у Кельні.

Українському герою у Німеччині повернули зір та слух (02.12.2016)

Володимир Жемчугов став відомим на всю Україну після того, як в YouTube з’явився відеоролик, де проросійський пропагандист Грехем Філліпс знущається над Володимиром під час обміну полоненими. Жемчугов торік підірвався на міні на Луганщині, втратив зір, слух, обидві руки і потрапив у полон “ЛНР”. Тільки через рік, у вересні цього року, його вдалось обміняти. Тепер на прохання української влади, він лікується в німецькому місті Кельн. Його дружина постійно перебуває поруч, опікає його і завжди намагається тримати Володимира у гарному настрої. “Не давайте їй слова, бо ви її потім не зупините”, – жартує Володимир перед інтерв’ю, але далеко від себе дружину не відпускає.

Deutsche Welle: Скільки операцій вам вже зробили в Німеччині?

Володимир Жемчугов: Мені зробили одну операцію на лівому оці і дві – на правому, одну операцію на лівому вусі і тепер я майже на сто відсотків все чую, і ще одну операцію на животі. Загалом п’ять операцій. Остання операція відбулась тиждень тому, мені вирізали величезну грижу, а через день після операції я вже почав вставати і тепер вільно ходжу, не тримаючись за стіну

Олена Жемчугова: І без моєї допомоги. Тепер він мене веде під руку (сміється)

Володимире, які у вас були поранення, коли ви підірвались на міні?

Володимир Жемчугов: Мінно-вибухові поранення – це найважчі поранення, які можливо отримати на війні. У мене були повністю розірвані очі осколками, була пробита черепна коробка, розірвана барабанна перепонка, опіки обличчя, багаточисельні осколочні поранення в животі. Коли мене привезли до Луганської лікарні, осколки, які можна було витягнути з очей – витягнули, а все інше просто зашили. Щодо рук… німецькі лікарі сказали мені, що якби я потрапив одразу до них, вони б могли врятувати мої руки. Але в Луганській лікарні катастрофічно не вистачало лікарів, їм було легше ампутувати мені руки, ніж лікувати їх.

З вас всі осколки витягнули ?

Володимир Жемчугов: Ні. У мене ще залишилось в правій нозі близько десяти осколків, пару – в животі, в груді та в челюсті.

Як ви думаєте в Україні вас можна було б так само вилікувати як тут?

Володимир Жемчугов: В принципі в Україні мені прописали такий саме курс лікування як і тут. Але тут все-таки більш серйозне обладнання, ніж в Україні. Тут мені зробили серйозну томографію живота, завдяки якому, вони змогли провести репетицію операції в 3D. Вдома це було б не можливо. Ще мені трансплантували роговицю від донора на ліве око, а в Україні це заборонено. Це була важка операція, з ока дістали осколок і подарували Лені (сміється)

Олена Жемчугова: Маленький такий осколок.

Володимир Жемчугов: Так маленький. Ліве око вже за тиждень почало прогресувати. З кожним днем я бачу дедалі краще. Нині, після операції, скільки пройшло днів? Місяць?

Олена Жемчугова: 25 днів

Володимир Жемчугов: Так. І я просто не нарадуюсь. І я бачу вас, хай навіть в окулярах, але бачу дуже добре вашу посмішку, ваші очі, хіба ще колір очей не бачу. У лютому наступного року мені мають пересадити роговицю і на праве око. І воно має бачити так само добре.

Коли ви їхали в Німеччину все було набагато гірше з зором?

Володимир Жемчугов: Так. Я бачив лише плямами. Коли на таблиці перевірки зору я вперше після операції побачив найбільші літери, то почав посміхатись, лікар побачив мою першу посмішку, настільки похмурим я був. А тепер я вже читаю книжки, дивлюсь на планшеті новини.

Олена Жемчугова: Він навіть читає біжучу стрічку.

Чи допомагали Вам волонтери?

Володимир Жемчугов: Так, нас тут зустріли місцеві Кельнські волонтери. У них тут є така лідерка – Лінда Май – з Тернопільської області, давно тут живе. Вона взяла нас під своє крило і керувала усією допомогою в Німеччині. Тут загалом можна швидко адаптуватись. Тут така потужна українська діаспора, і вона дуже допомагає. Всі підтримують один одного, незалежно від того де саме в Німеччині ви живете. Допомагають як перекладачі, як гіди, надають фінансову допомогу, допомагають з побутовими проблемами. Ми постійно оточені їхньою увагою – і німецького уряду, і українських волонтерів. Також допомагає нам українське консульство у Дюссельдорфі.

Як ставляться до вас тут лікарі ?

Володимир Жемчугов: Я був здивований як багато тут російськомовних лікарів і медсестер працюють. У мене нема претензій. Вони дуже добрі і завжди приходили до нас з інших відділень, щоб спитати про мій стан. Я ж практично постійно переїжджав з одного відділення в інше.

А хто платить за ваше лікування – німецький уряд ?

Олена Жемчугова: Нам ніхто про це відкрито не казав. Але, так більшу частину бере на себе Німеччина. Для нас збирають кошти також волонтери, але ми намагаємось ті гроші зібрати на багатофункціональні протези для Володимира.

А хіба німецький уряд не надає протези?

Олена Жемчугова: Так, надають. Але це будуть прості протези. Ними можна робити два рухи – захват і поворот. Я ж знаю Володю, він не зупиниться на цьому, він хоче друкувати на планшеті, дістати ручку чи якусь річ. Йому потрібні багатофункціональні протези. Один такий коштує десь 60 тисяч євро.

Володимир Жемчугов: Зі звичайними протезами, простіше кажучи, я зможу підійти до дверей, потягнути за ручку і відкрити. Це такі примітивні рухи.

Ви не думали залишитись у Німеччині після лікування?

Олена Жемчугова: Я хочу жити в Україні, бути корисною своїй батьківщині, особливо в цей важкий час. Для нас дуже важливо звільнити всіх хлопців, які в полоні “ДНР” і “ЛНР”, всіх полонених.

Володимир Жемчугов: Зараз, навіть тут у Німеччині, перебуваючи на лікуванні, ми повністю в цьому процесі – ми нікуди не ділись від війни. Будь-який вільний час між операціями ми запитаємо волонтерів, чи потрібна якась допомога, чи можливо проведемо якусь акцію. Часто вони запрошують нас на якусь акцію і ми не відмовляємось. Наприклад, ми їздили в місто Кобленц, до військового шпиталю, де лікуються важкопоранені українські солдати. Ми їздили їх підтримати. Не те, щоб показати мене, типу ось хлопці, чи може бути комусь ще гірше (сміється), але нормально їх провідати. Ще можливо найближчим часом проведемо акцію під посольством Росії.

Олена Жемчугова: Це вже наша акція, наша ініціатива провести акцію родичів і дружин полонених під посольством.

Тобто тепер ви самі організуєте акції?

Володимир Жемчугов: Так, Олена у мене стала така активна

Олена Жемчугова: Тепер я його втягую в це (сміється)

Володимир Жемчугов: Олена, рятуючи мене, втягнулась в цей рух з порятунку військовополонених.

Олена Жемчугова: Ми хочемо провести мирну акцію. Сподіваюсь, що нас підтримають міжнародні організації і вийде багато людей. Там, в полоні, дуже багато наших хлопців, за них варто боротись.

Які у вас враження від Німеччини?

Володимир Жемчугов: Через те, що нормально бачити я можу тільки тиждень, то я лише набираюсь вражень. Головне що я зрозумів – медицина тут на високому рівні. І рівень життя тут високий. Мені сподобалось німецьке пиво і випічка. Не сподобалось, що російське телебачення тут проводить страшну пропаганду. Я його подивився трохи – це просто жахіття.

Олена Жемчугова: А мені дуже сподобалась природа. Ми їздили в Штутгарт, там за містом місцевість нагадує наші Карпати.

Ви ж не знаєте німецьку мову, як ви справляєтесь?

Володимир Жемчугов: У нас на телефоні постійно консультантка-перекладачка. Я в школі вчив німецьку, Олена – англійську.

Олена Жемчугова: Я ходжу по крамницях сама, намагаюсь прочитати етикетки, підходжу до касирши й кажу стандартні фрази записані в блокноті. Володя більше запам’ятовує слів. Коли вперше його привезли після наркозу і він почав говорити німецькою, я здивовано спитала його: “Що вони там з тобою робили? (сміється).

Що вам ще мають зробити у німецькій лікарні?

Володимир Жемчугов: За кілька днів мені мають вже принести готові протези на обидві руки, і я маю навчитись з ними працювати. На новий рік ми плануємо полетіти в Україну і повернутись у Німеччину вже в лютому на операцію на лівому оці.

Коли ви закінчите лікування, чим ви хочете зайнятись?

Володимир Жемчугов: Я зараз думаю над цим. Як я зможу відновитись, на скільки я зможу бути функціональним. Мій мозок працює повністю добре. Я можу все, але обмежений фізично.

Мені хочеться щось зробити для країни. Помандрувавши світом, мені дуже не зрозуміло, чому ми не можемо жити так само добре, як живуть в Європі? А ми все так само…

Олена Жемчугова: Воюємо з дорогами (сміється) <<>>

[NOTES]

• Full article body extracted successfully; no visible truncation or missing parts.
• Q&A structure preserved as in original.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: GLAVCOM_2017_07_03

[HEADER]

• SourceType: WrittenArticle
• MasterIndexRef: 2017-07-03 — Володимир Жемчугов: Росія з Донбасу не піде, бо там залишаються сотні тисяч свідків для Гааги — Glavcom — https://glavcom.ua/interviews/volodimir-zhemchugov-rosiya-z-donbasu-ne-pide-bo-tam-zalishayutsya-sotni-tisyach-svidkiv-dlya-gaagi-423785.html — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2017-07-03
• Outlet: Glavcom
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://glavcom.ua/interviews/volodimir-zhemchugov-rosiya-z-donbasu-ne-pide-bo-tam-zalishayutsya-sotni-tisyach-svidkiv-dlya-gaagi-423785.html
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://glavcom.ua/interviews/volodimir-zhemchugov-rosiya-z-donbasu-ne-pide-bo-tam-zalishayutsya-sotni-tisyach-svidkiv-dlya-gaagi-423785.html
• HarvestStatus: OK_FULL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov discusses Russia’s preparation for Donbas occupation since 2004, including cultural exchanges and recruitment.
• He describes organizing resistance, sabotage operations, and his capture after a mine explosion.
• He asserts Russia won’t leave Donbas due to witnesses for international tribunals and predicts prolonged conflict.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>>

Володимир Жемчугов: Росія з Донбасу не піде, бо там залишаються сотні тисяч свідків для Гааги

Люди на Донбасі досі мають образу на Ющенка, який їх зрадив і віддав регіон на відкуп Ахметову і Єфремову

Підприємець із Луганщини Володимир Жемчугов останніми роками працював та жив у Грузії. На початку війни на сході України він повернувся із сонячного Тбілісі в Україну і почав організовувати рух спротиву проти збройної агресії країни-сусіда. Стати партизаном вирішив сам, тривалий час успішно працював у підпіллі, але при виконанні останнього завдання підірвався на міні. Залишився без обох рук, майже втратив зір і потрапив у полон.

Жемчугов каже, що Росія почала готуватися до окупації Донбасу одразу після перемоги Помаранчевої революції. Точкою відліку він називає невдалий з’їзд Партії регіонів у Сєвєродонецьку за федералізацію у 2004 році. Він також переконаний, що з Донбасу Росія не забереться за жодних умов. Адже на окупованій території залишаться кілька тисяч свідків її збройної агресії, які можуть виступити на процесі в міжнародному суді. Хіба що відбудеться обмін: наприклад, Крим на Донбас.

Як ваше здоров’я?

Дякую. Я відновлююся після операції, зараз – процес реабілітації. Сили потихеньку повертаються, зір також трошки відновлюється. Ще рік мушу лікуватись.

Де вас застав початок війни на сході України?

До війни я працював в Грузії. 2014 року на Великодень я приїхав разом із дружиною провідати маму в Красний Луч на Луганщині. Коли побачив, що там почалося, зрозумів, що буде війна. Відвіз дружину назад у Тбілісі, а сам зібрав заощадження і повернувся до України організовувати рух спротиву.

Що з побаченого спонукало вас до таких рішучий дій?

У 2014 році все почалося з проплачених мітингів. Починалися вони ще з Нового року. Організовували ці «протести» місцеві лідери Красного Луча. Одним із них був виконавчий директор заводу «Фагот», який виганяв на мітинги своїх працівників. А на підприємстві жорстка дисципліна: сказали вийти, значить, всі вийшли. На шахтах теж були замовні мітинги. Але це все було на рівні балачок, далі не рухалося. А серйозно все зрушилось, коли мер Красного Луча Марина Філіпова разом зі своїми помічниками почала організовувати навесні так звані блокпости. Тоді вони ще стояли без зброї. Якось у квітні я запитав у ДАІшників на трасі Ростов – Харків: що це за люди на блокпостах стоять? Вони відповідали, що то – їхні помічники. Мовляв, допомагають зупиняти, якщо хтось п’яний чи якийсь інший порушник – вони будуть свідками і не треба бігати за понятими. Філіпова фінансувала цих людей, давала їм гроші, привозила продукти. І все почалося саме з цього – із замовних мітингів і організованих блокпостів. (У жовтні 2014 року бандформування «козаків отамана Косогора» «люстрували» Філіпову, звинуватши у співпраці з Києвом. Близько п’яти місяців вона провела під арештом. Після звільнення продовжила підтримувати окупаційну владу. Отримала посаду в «адміністрації» голови «ЛНР» Ігоря Плотницького, – «Главком»)

У травні в Антрацит Луганської області за допомогою місцевих мешканців нелегально зайшов Козіцин разом зі своєю бандою та російським спецназом. Чому нелегально? Бо Луганська область здавна славилася контрабандними шляхами між нею і Ростовською областю РФ. Там не стежки, там контрабандні траси! Так от Козіцин і російські спецназівці привезли зброю і зайняли в Антрациті райадміністрацію. Автомати Калашникова й патронами завозили машинами.

Коли прийшла українська армія, то почала перекривати ці потоки, викривати ці ходи, вночі обстрілювати рух караванів зі зброєю. Переміщалися вони саме вночі.

Наведу приклад. Заступник начальника Антрацитівського ДАІ був активним учасником процесу контрабанди. Він був за кермом такого КамАЗу зі зброєю і потрапив під мінометний обстріл, його було важко поранено і він помер у луганській лікарні.

Чому ви розгледіли, що буде війна, а ваші земляки – ні? Чому вони йшли на ті замовні мітинги?

Це дуже довга тема, як готувалися Луганська та Донецька області до окупації. Це почалося з часів перемоги Помаранчевої революції. Революція перемогла, а в Сєвєродонецьку провалився з’їзд Партії регіонів за федералізацію. (28 листопада 2004 року у Сєвєродонецьку Луганської області відбувся всеукраїнський з’їзд депутатів всіх рівнів. На нього прибули близько 3,5 тис. делегатів із 17 областей України. Із відомих політиків були присутні Віктор Янукович, Борис Колесников, нині покійний Євген Кушнарьов, Анатолій Близнюк, Віктор Тихонов та мер Москви Юрій Лужков, який приїжджав на з’їзд за особливим дорученням Путіна. Учасники з’їзду оголосили намір створити Південно-Східну українську державу у формі федеративної республіки зі столицею у Харкові, – «Главком») Тоді росіяни зрозуміли, що не все готово і замислилися над підготовкою ґрунту. Почалося все з культурної ниви – козацькі хори, різноманітні культурно-освітні обміни, обміни досвідом державних структур. Прикордонники, МВСники, МНСники проводили спільні заходи, навчання, змагання. На перший погляд, нічого поганого. Але я розмовляв із людьми, які за «чаркою чаю» мені висловлювали своє збентеження: «Володя, ми взагалі не знаємо, куди СБУ дивиться?! Ми – державні службовці, приїжджаємо на такі заходи, у нас є офіційна програма, а після офіційної йде неофіційна з походом у ресторан. До нас починають підходити певні люди, і ми розуміємо, що це – агентура. Вони починають розмову, типу давай дружити, розпитують різні нюанси…». Ось так і вербували і, мабуть, уже тоді прописували сценарій – хто, що, на якому етапі повинен робити і яку винагороду отримає.

Саме тоді і засів у головах людей «русскій мір»? І вони так охоче зреагували, коли той «русскій мір» постукав у двері?

Ні, я не сказав би, що вони зреагували на «русскій мір». Той величезний натовп, який підтримав Росію розділений на дві категорії. Перша – це люди, які ностальгують за Радянським Союзом. Це – старше покоління. Для них Росія – асоціація з СРСР. У них є теплі згадки своєї радянської молодості. Адже в радянський час Донбас дуже добре забезпечувався з центру, як і Тюмень, Сибір, Москва. За першою категорією забезпечували Київ, Мінськ та інші столиці республік, і Донбас. От як потрапили у 1960-ті туди моя мама, родом із Білорусі, та батько – з Волги? У ті роки всі, хто приїжджав піднімати шахти, як Ленін сказав «вугілля – це хліб промисловості», бачили рай. Прилавки заповнені навіть дефіцитними продуктами – згущене молоко, шоколадні цукерки, тушонка, ковбаса ніколи не пропадала, навіть у найважчі часи. Тому люди їхали за гарними зарплатами, їжею, квартирами. От і асоціації в населення винятково з цим часом. Хоча в ті ж часи у сусідній Волгоградській області був реальний голод. 1985 року я студентом туди приїжджав і все бачив на власні очі. Але ж ніхто на Донбасі не хотів нічого чути, бо їм у цей час було добре.

Друга категорія – це вже проросійські люди. Наприкінці 1990-х була закрили половину шахт. Кучма тоді вирішив: вугілля дуже дороге, тому переходимо на газ. Тисячі шахтарів і робітників суміжних професій були скорочені. Куди діватися цим людям? Звісно більша частина поїхали працювати в Росію (Москву та Пітер) на будівництві, бо там гарно платили. І на них це мало вплив. Вони побачили щось подібне на гарне життя. Але ж Пітер і Москва – це не вся Росія. Росія не здатна навести лад на своїй території, а вони думали, що вона їм тут на Донбасі щось зробить. Але, на жаль, усі вірили в солодкі обіцянки.

Яка у вас була мотивація залишити бізнес, забезпечене життя, родину і з Грузії прилетіти створювати партизанський рух на Донбасі?

Перш за все, я – громадянин України. Окрім того, я не сприймав радянський лад. Я завжди вважав, що Союз – помилка, люди жили неправильно, їх дурили. Під час моєї військової служби в Москві трапилося ГКЧП, а я служив у небойових військах КДБ. І я потрапив в ту замороку. Потім, коли вже працював у Грузії, потрапив у війну 2008 року. ( Збройний конфлікт між Грузією та Росією і сепаратистськими угрупованнями Південної Осетії та Абхазії. Утворені «народні» республіки ніхто в світі не визнав, окрім Росії, – «Главком»). Я бачив горе і страждання людей. Я бував у районах, близьких до Абхазії, Південної Осетії, Нагорного Карабаху, спілкувався з людьми і зрозумів, що таке Росія і що таке російська агресія. І от коли це все прийшло уже на мою батьківщину, коли війна стукалася в двері будинку моєї мами в Красному Лучі, я вважав, що тепер моя черга щось зробити для країни.

Дружина знала про ваші наміри?

Ні, до останнього моменту. Лише літом 2015 року вона почала здогадуватися, запитувати, чому я так часто туди їжджу. Але нічого їй і нікому не казав. Певно, тому і протримався там довго – цілих півтора року – і ніхто про мене не знав. І коли вже викрилося все, коли мене взяли в полон, то для Росії і бойовиків це було шоком, що на Донбасі є партизанський рух. Коли мене звільнили з полону, то як мені розказали, що Ольга Кобцева (керівник робочої групи «ЛНР» з обміну полоненими) на засіданні в Мінську на наступний день після обміну, страшенно сварилася на Ірину Геращенко, мовляв «Я вам Жемчугова ніколи не пробачу, ви нас обманули, казали, що він – волонтер, а він виявився головним партизаном». Коли я давав перші інтерв’ю, то «МГБ ЛНР» просило наше СБУ, щоб я вже закрив свого рота, бо в них там великі проблеми. І що тепер вони будуть всіх катувати до останнього подиху, щоб більше такої помилки, як зі мною, у них не сталося. І що вони шкодують, що жодного зуба мені не вибили, і плоскогубцями нігті не виривали, <<>>

[NOTES]

• Full article body extracted successfully; no visible truncation or missing parts.
• Interview structure with questions and answers preserved.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: SPIEGEL_2022_07_15

[HEADER]

• SourceType: Profile
• MasterIndexRef: 2022-07-15 — Battle for the Donbas: Why Putin Should Fear the Ukrainian Resistance — DER SPIEGEL — https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/battle-for-the-donbas-why-putin-should-fear-the-ukrainian-resistance-a-24be726e-f621-421f-b93b-5670bab20f26 — (English)
• Date: 2022-07-15
• Outlet: DER SPIEGEL
• OriginalLanguage: English
• URL: https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/battle-for-the-donbas-why-putin-should-fear-the-ukrainian-resistance-a-24be726e-f621-421f-b93b-5670bab20f26
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/battle-for-the-donbas-why-putin-should-fear-the-ukrainian-resistance-a-24be726e-f621-421f-b93b-5670bab20f26
• HarvestStatus: OK_FULL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• The article profiles Ukrainian resistance in occupied territories, focusing on increasing partisan attacks in Kherson and other areas.
• It highlights Zhemchugov’s early partisan efforts in Luhansk, his injuries, and current advisory role in resistance tactics.
• Ukrainian intelligence and civilians provide crucial support for strikes using Western weapons, posing threats to Russian forces.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>>

Battle for the Donbas Why Putin Should Fear the Ukrainian Resistance

Resistance is growing in the areas of Ukraine occupied by Russian troops. Reports from the underground show that Kyiv’s modern weapons systems are becoming a real threat to Kremlin forces – thanks in part to the brave civilians behind the front lines.

The fighter wears a field cap, sunglasses and a scarf over his mouth and nose. His voice in the video is distorted – nothing should reveal his identity. His message is clear: “We will occupy buildings, we will fight on the streets and bridges. We will not give away a single piece of our land.” He and his allies, he says, are fighting against the pro-Russian administration in the Kherson region of southern Ukraine. “Anyone involved is already on our death list,” he says.

The video, recorded in early July and distributed through Telegram channels, gives a face to the resistance, albeit a concealed one. Alternating between Ukrainian and Russian, the language of the aggressors, the member of the Yellow Ribbon movement provides concrete information about a Russian military camp in the city. The message to the occupiers: We know who you are and where you are, you will never be safe.

In the first weeks of the summer, the number of attacks mounted by partisan fighters has been increasing in the Russian-occupied territories, particularly in Kherson, the provincial capital on the Dnipro River, with a population of 280,000. On June 18, the head of the prison there, appointed by the Russians, was injured in an explosive attack. Four days later, a car bomb killed a high-ranking member of the regional administration. And 10 days ago, an attack on a vehicle belonging to the head of the region’s pro-Russian administration was thwarted. He had already narrowly survived an attack in June.

In the northeast of the country, in the occupied portion of the Kharkiv region, an official installed by Russia was killed early last week. Meanwhile, there have also been attacks on infrastructure vital to the war effort. For example, a railroad bridge in the south between Tokmak and Melitopol was blown up in early June.

The Partisans Are Kyiv’s Fifth Column

Most such operations tend to remain secret, but DER SPIEGEL was able to speak with Ukrainian agents, in addition to people formerly and currently active in the resistance in the Russian occupied territories, in the free parts of Ukraine and abroad. Their reports underscore just how diverse the resistance to Vladimir Putin’s troops has already become – and how threatening the situation could still get for the occupiers. Recently delivered Western weapon systems like the American HIMARS, a multiple rocket launcher with a range of 80 kilometers (about 50 miles), allow Ukrainian forces to attack targets deep inside the occupied areas. There have been increasing reports in recent days of Russian ammunition and fuel depots being destroyed and command centers coming under fire. All of which clearly shows that assistance from Ukrainians in those areas – such as passing on locations of Russian troops and depots – is crucial at this stage of the war. The resistance has become Kyiv’s fifth column.

Yet it took quite some time for the Ukrainian authorities to realize the military value of their own people – and no one knows this better than Volodymyr Zhemchugov. The 51-year-old is the best-known member of the Ukrainian resistance struggle. The partisan fighter hails from the village of Khrustalny in the Luhansk region and fought against the Russian occupiers eight years ago. When the occupation by Moscow-directed separatists began in the Donbas province in 2014, followed later by regular Russian soldiers, he was living in Georgia as the owner of a packaging materials company. But when he returned to his home country for a visit, he says he witnessed “alcoholics” taking control of his town, murdering friends of his and forbidding the burial of the bodies of Ukrainian soldiers.

“The fear in my mother’s eyes was my motivation to do something,” Zhemchugov says. He decided to put together a resistance unit comprised of miners, managers, doctors and teachers. “At the time, no one took us seriously,” he says in an interview, “to many, we were just terrorists. Now, everyone is suddenly interested in us.”

He began with $10,000 of his own money and a small group of friends. The unit first gathered information about the enemy. “We brought the Russian soldiers beer and cigarettes, thanked them for their protection, and scouted them in the process,” he says. Ironically, it was the occupiers who handed them their first weapons – for their supposed loyalty. They then bought additional weapons from corrupt separatists. The group attacked military camps and individual soldiers who happened to be in places like pubs or saunas. They blew up railroad tracks, transmission towers, power lines and, on several occasions, a gas pipeline running through the area.

They gathered the explosives necessary from private contacts. “Khrustalnyi is a mining town,” says Zhemchugov. “I knew how to make bombs even as a child.” He and his fellow fighters didn’t sign contracts with the Ukrainian military until after eight months, thus becoming agents.

He says he planned and executed 30 successful actions until he kicked the trip wire of a mine during an operation on Sept. 28, 2015. Russian soldiers found him badly injured. He was blinded and doctors had to amputate both of his hands. He was held as a prisoner for around a year and was interrogated and tortured numerous times. He was ultimately released as part of a prisoner exchange. Then-Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko awarded him the country’s highest honor: Hero of Ukraine.

Wear Inconspicuous Clothing and Always Remain Calm

Zhechemchugov has since learned to live with prostheses, and doctors in Cologne, Germany, later succeeded in restoring sight in one eye and removing shrapnel from several parts of his body. He shows what he now does to make himself useful on his smartphone. Under the hashtag #ResistanceMovement, he explains in a YouTube broadcast on the Ukrainian Military Television channel, for example, how to put Russian trucks out of operation (by putting sand in the tank). He also writes rules of conduct for partisan fighters: wear inconspicuous clothing and always remain calm, no matter what.

Several Ukrainian security agencies are responsible for resistance activities, including the military intelligence service (HUR) and the special operations forces (SSO). Individual resistance groups such as Yellow Ribbon or the Berdyansk Partisan Army provide information via Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and the messenger service Telegram — as well as collecting information themselves.

According to one SSO employee, only five to 10 percent of those involved communicate at all with Ukrainian agencies. Others resist by closing their stores when Russian soldiers approach, or by distributing leaflets threatening Russians and collaborators with death. Resistance also includes placing bounties on collaborators or refusing to issue Russian passports, thereby preventing announced referendums in the occupied territories.

A kindergarten teacher from Kherson shares how people there are following strict rules in their daily lives. “We only speak about the resistance in our closest circle,” she says. The daycare worker regularly telephones with her son, who lives abroad in Europe, and has a network of contacts in Kherson.

Her son confirms her account during a phone call over an encrypted connection. “When I receive information, I immediately pass it on to a friend in the Ukrainian army,” he says. “He then passes it on to the intelligence service.” He also carries out research assignments. “Sometimes they ask for specific information, and then I call around until I have it.”

He recalls how a shipment of Russian tanks arrived in Kherson. He reported it and they were destroyed a short time later by Ukrainian artillery. A special forces official confirms that reports from citizens on the ground “are as important in target selection as, say, satellite imagery.”

The occupiers are aware of just how great the danger from the resistance is. In Kherson, they are now taking increasingly brutal action against the partisan fighters. They have reinforced their checkpoints and intensified the manhunt since a precisely executed air strike against their command center in the city center in early July. “They’ve been panicking for a while,” says Max, a 20-year-old designer who fled the area a month ago and will only provide his first name out of fear for family members who still live in the region. According to public figures, 600 people have already been arrested, an activist says. “But there are probably many more.”

At the beginning of the occupation, Max launched a Telegram group with friends. It soon grew to 5,000 members. “We then set up a new chat, which we monitored closely,” he says. “We vetted new members using their social media accounts and asking specific questions.” The friends gathered information about Russian troops in their Telegram group, called “Kherson is Ukrainian.” “We checked each other’s information and then passed it on,” he says. They used the Ukrainian e-governance app Diia to identify themselves and then feed information into the chatbot E-Enemy on Telegram, which was specially created by the Ukrainian intelligence service.

“I had my biggest success in March,” Max says in an interview held over Zoom. That’s when, he says, he discovered a Russian military convoy with trucks, troop carriers, tankers and missile launchers, over 40 vehicles, and passed the information to E-Enemy. “I lay hidden in the grass and saw shells hitting the vehicles,” he says. “At first, it made me euphoric, but then I was scared.”

Early on, Max had taken part in a protest against the occupiers in Kherson. “Without covering my face.” That is one reason his fears began to grow. Ultimately, he found a smuggler to take him out of the city in a minibus for the equivalent of around 150 euros. They reached safe territory after a 12-hour drive. “When I saw our soldiers, it made me cry,” Max says. He is now living in Kyiv with acquaintances and hopes that his city will soon be liberated.

These are dangerous times for both the occupiers and the partisan fighters. In the south, citizens have begun preparing for the Ukrainian offensive ordered by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. A growing number of people are leaving the cities out of fear of imminent street fighting, while others are hoarding food, mixing Molotov cocktails and building bombs.

One locksmith from occupied Enerhodar in the Zaporizhzhia region says he has an entire arsenal in the basement. “But my friends and I will only use these weapons when our troops are close,” he says. In the event of a fast-moving offensive, Ukrainian military expert Oleg Zhdanov is hoping for a two-front war for the occupiers. “Then they won’t have the capacity to search for the resistance,” he says.

Zhdanov believes the resistance was poorly organized. “We could have stockpiled weapons and trained more people,” he says. He also blames President Zelenskyy, who downplayed the threat of war in his New Year’s address. The country, Zhdanov says, wasted precious time.

Those active in the resistance are aware that losses are imminent. But, says, one member from Enerhodar: “If we want to live in freedom in our country, we have no choice.” <<>>

[NOTES]

• Full article body extracted successfully; no visible truncation or missing parts.
• Narrative structure with headings preserved.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: INDEPENDENT_2022_12_11

[HEADER]

• SourceType: Profile
• MasterIndexRef: 2022-12-11 — He was tortured by Russia – now he’s getting his revenge — The Independent — https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/europe/ukraine-russia-resistance-partisan-war-torture-b2235605.html — (English)
• Date: 2022-12-11
• Outlet: The Independent
• OriginalLanguage: English
• URL: https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/europe/ukraine-russia-resistance-partisan-war-torture-b2235605.html
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/europe/ukraine-russia-resistance-partisan-war-torture-b2235605.html
• HarvestStatus: OK_FULL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov coordinates saboteurs in occupied territories using 2014 networks, targeting infrastructure for revenge after torture.
• The article covers civilian resistance efforts, including ambushes and intelligence gathering.
• Partisans face high risks, with many captured or killed, but continue to support Ukrainian advances.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> The pain inflicted by his torturers was so severe that Volodymyr Zhemchugov tried to bite through the drip keeping him alive in order to blow bubbles of air into his veins and kill himself.

The Soviet-era soldier turned Ukrainian partisan was being held in a prison hospital by Russian-backed proxies. It was 2015 in the eastern city of Luhansk.

Vladimir Putin had recently illegally annexed the Crimean peninsula, war was raging between the Ukrainian military and Russian-backed separatists in Donbas. And in the middle of this, 52-year-old Zhemchugov had been captured after accidentally crawling over a mine while trying to sabotage a power line to a Russian-backed camp. Both his hands had been blown off and he had been blinded.

He says the Russian intelligence officers holding him had threatened to electrocute the mutilated stumps of his arms daily to obtain information.

Despite the pain, the darkness, and the horrific conditions, the veteran partisan fighter refused to comply. He survived long enough to be released in a prisoner swap and, seven years later, after Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Zhemchugov is finally getting his revenge.

“As a citizen of occupied territory I had all the contacts of people there, and so I started to build a network of saboteurs when Putin invaded Ukraine,” Zhemchugov, a Russian speaker, tells The Independent from Kyiv where he is now based.

“Now I am coordinating people in the newly occupied territories. Outside of these areas, we have also recruited people in groups of 10, instructing them how to be conspirators, and how to use their smartphones. They are given two weeks of training on anything including making improvised explosive devices.”

Having spent several years being tortured in prison for this work, he knows the dangers of the job – an unknown number of partisans have been killed since the invasion began on 24 February.

But he says his growing network has helped the country in its stunning gains, including driving Moscow’s men out of the Kyiv, Kharkiv and Kherson regions.

“It is having a huge impact,” he adds, explaining how they are now focused on finding intelligence on the location of ammunition dumps and armoured vehicles. “They are effectively directing fire.”

The greatest problem faced by the Ukrainian army is being outnumbered and outgunned, at some points 20 to one in artillery and 40 to one in ammunition, according to the military.

A hefty influx of weapons from the West – in particular US-procured HIMARS, multiple-rocket launch systems – has helped turn the tide.

But behind some of the greatest victories has been Ukraine’s other secret weapon: its army of civilian supporters. Ordinary citizens have joined in the war effort, many of them working undercover behind enemy lines.

They have been responsible for ambushes, destruction of critical infrastructure and even allegedly assassinations, deep into Russian-occupied territory such as Crimea. Even away from the frontline, there has been an explosion of civil engagement, with Ukrainians now able to log Russia’s movements on a mobile phone application called “e-enemy” that piggybacks off an existing app once used to log everyday administrative documents.

Ukraine, like many other former Soviet countries, has a long history of nationalist partisan movements dating back to the First and Second World Wars. Over the decades there have been multiple armed factions from supporters of (the controversial) ultranationalist leader Stepan Bandera, who was murdered by Soviet agents 60 years ago, to fighters who fought a guerrilla war in the 1950s against the Soviets from their hideouts in the Carpathian Mountains.

And they have emerged as an inspiration for this new generation of resistance.

The most dangerous work is that of the partisans, who take on military duties and are trained to do anything from blowing up Russian vehicles to cutting supply lines. Zhemchugov estimates there are around 500 partisans living in occupied regions such as Kherson and Zaporizhzhia right now.

Alongside this is the secretive army of civil resistance, who quietly work behind enemy lines, melting into the background of occupied towns and informing Ukrainians about Russian positions. There are believed to be 10,000 people doing this kind of work.

It has been hard to coordinate. The threat of forced conscription by Russia in the recently annexed territories – particularly in the eastern areas of Donbas – has meant many male resistance operatives have had to flee to Ukrainian-held territory.

And an increasing amount of work is done by women.

One of them is Maria (not her real name), who is working as a resistance fighter in occupied Kherson. She risked her life to send a few lines to The Independent in secret saying she joined the resistance “because the Russians came to kill me and my family”.

“Before the war, I had a normal job,” she says, saying she keeps safe by following her careful training but there are no guarantees.

“I am always afraid and scared. You’d have to be mad not to worry about your safety and the safety of your family,” she adds.

“I have lost a lot of friends. There are many prisoners and killed.”

For their own protection, the partisans and resistance are trained in ways to evade capture and operate in such secretive cells, they do not know each other.

Igor, 50, a father of three and a former police officer, worked as a resistance fighter in Balakiya, in Kharkiv, during the six-month occupation which ended just a few months ago. He says the work was so undercover he had no idea that his neighbour who lived a few floors above him was also informing Ukrainians about Russian positions.

“We saw each other every single day and had no idea we were doing the same work,” he tells The Independent from Kharkiv where he is now living. We speak while sitting in the dark – his apartment block is in the grips of a power cut because of Russian shelling of the nearby power station.

“It turns out there were about 10 people I know who were doing this job including a woman with two daughters. But we only worked it out when the town was liberated.”

Igor knew he would be on Russia’s radar because of his former work as a prison guard and later a firefighter. As he also had a large pro-Ukrainian tattoo on his body, escaping occupied territory wasn’t an option: he wouldn’t make it through the filtration process.

Luckily he was formally registered as living in Kharkiv, and was only in Balakiya by chance as he was recovering from a car accident when the war broke out.

“Then I started to realise I can’t just sit there, I need to do something,” he continues. “If I was going to die I should die in a respectful way doing something for my country. So through friends, I started to call the Ukrainian army and relayed everything I saw.”

At first he says the work was comparatively easy. The Russians had taken Balakiya quickly and were focusing their efforts on the nearby regional capital Kharkiv. It took a while for them to start digging trenches, to mine the fields around the city and to set up checkpoints inside the town.

But passing on information became increasingly tricky when Russian forces started to block the mobile phone signal and cut the internet. There were only a few places within the town where you could call those located in Ukrainian-held territory. Anyone caught going to those places was arrested.

“People were disappearing because of their phones,” Igor continues. “Some of my friends were captured, tortured and held in the police station. They started to listen in to our calls.”

Igor gathered 10 different burner phones and SIM cards, old devices left behind by those who had fled. He was lucky to also have access to many empty flats as relatives of his had evacuated from the city when the war first broke out.

“I moved constantly,” he explains, sitting through a power cut in Kharkiv.

“We figured out our language, our code, so I could communicate the position of armoured vehicles, of the checkpoints, where their units were stationed.”

Twice he was nearly discovered. Once he was saved by an elderly neighbour who thought he was in Kharkiv and inadvertently stopped his capture by telling Russian soldiers that the flat they were about to raid was empty.

The second time he was rescued by the sudden reappearance of electricity, locking the front door to the building where he was hiding.

“It gave me enough time to get to the basement, which stretches the length of the building like a labyrinth,” he says. “I broke up the phone into parts and hid down there until they had left.”

He says Russian distrust of the Ukrainians was intense and by the end of the occupation “it was like the Soviet Union’s KGB but 10 times as bad”.

“They had a special hatred for Ukrainians. They didn’t even like the Russian-backed separatist forces as they are Ukrainians,” he adds.

Igor’s intelligence work supported the armed efforts of the partisans hiding in woods inside the greyzone.

Among them was Dima, 26, who was hiding for several months in the countryside around 50km south of Balakiya outside occupied Izyum. A member of the territorial defence, he describes how his brigade attacked Russian patrols from the secret positions, helping what became a successful Ukrainian counter-offensive.

They lived in no man’s land – incredibly dangerous frontline territory that acted as a buffer between the two sides. The Ukrainian partisans would regularly sneak into Russian-occupied areas to gather intelligence and attack small convoys.

They dug trenches in the woods to live in through the bitter winter or hid in empty houses, and were always on the move.

“We were in touch with a network inside the city of Izyum, local people who would sneak over info. We used that to attack small convoys,” says Dima, standing next to a beached Russian tank in his new camp, where he and his brigade are preparing to support an advance further east. The Independent cannot reveal the location of the camp.

He describes some close calls. A few months ago they launched an assault on a small convoy, only to spot a group of Russian tanks.

“We were just three people, trapped, with no equipment to destroy these kinds of vehicles,” says Dima. “I don’t know how we got out alive.”

He says the most worrying part of his job was that his family were still inside Izyum, putting them at serious risk if he was discovered.

“But the work towards retaking the city and for victory was the most important of all,” he adds.

And that is what is driving the movement across the city despite the risk.

Igor has since learned that three of his friends, all volunteer members of the resistance, are missing. Maria, in occupied Kherson, has to live every day knowing it could be the last for her and her family. Dima says part of their work now is rooting out Ukrainians who collaborated with the Russians, while they prepare to liberate more land.

But they keep going. “For sure at least half of the younger generation understand they don’t need to be afraid, that Russia is an enemy and they need to protect themselves in order to survive,” says Volodymyr, explaining why people continue to sign up to join the resistance every day.

Igor says it is the only way to end the nightmare which before this war they had only “seen in films and books”.

“The more you help the Ukrainian army the faster the liberation will take place, and all this torture, all this nightmare will end,” Igor adds quietly. “The motivation is huge.” <<>>

[NOTES]

• Full article body extracted successfully; no visible truncation or missing parts.
• Narrative structure preserved.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: KYIVPOST_2025_05_29

[HEADER]

• SourceType: WrittenArticle
• MasterIndexRef: 2025-05-29 — Партизан з Луганщини Жемчугов: Як бізнесмен створив мережу диверсантів у 2014 році — Kyiv Post — https://www.kyivpost.com/uk/post/53511 — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2025-05-29
• Outlet: Kyiv Post
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.kyivpost.com/uk/post/53511
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.kyivpost.com/uk/post/53511
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov recounts returning from Georgia in 2014, organizing saboteurs amid paid protests and local corruption.
• He describes early resistance efforts, weapon acquisition, and sabotage operations against Russian forces.
• The content cuts off mid-sentence, indicating partial extraction.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> Володимир Жемчугов – непересічна особистість. Шахтар, а потім – бізнесмен, який довго працював у країнах Кавказу і не думав, що стане одним із головних диверсантів на рідному Донбасі.

Але в 2014 році, після окупації росіянами рідного міста в Луганській області, він зумів організувати мережу диверсантів і підривників з кількох десятків людей, яка здійснила десятки підривів шляхів, залізниць, кілька замахів на ватажків терористів. Деякі операції він не лише планував, а й виконував особисто.

Під час однієї з операцій він підірвався, важко травмувався і потрапив у полон, але і там не втратив бойового духу.

Як це йому вдалося? Чому він потрапив у полон до ворога, і в якому стані партизанський рух зараз?

Приблизно одинадцять років тому почалася гібридна агресія Російської Федерації на Донбасі. Після анексії Криму. Ви добре пам’ятаєте, як це відбувалося. Розкажіть, як це було?

Я з 2007 року жив і працював у Грузії. Поїхав у Грузію, в Тбілісі і відкрив там приватну фірму. Я був лідером по поставках на територію Закавказзя упаковок, пляшок, кришок для напоїв. Я просто приїхав у Луганськ на Пасху до родичів. Це був квітень місяць 2014 року. Я зустрічав товариша в Донецькому аеропорту. Привіз додому, в місто Красний Луч, і дорогою туди ми проїжджали перехрестя на трасі Харків-Ростов-Луганськ-Донецьк. Я побачив барикади з покришок. Я запитав товариша: що це таке? А він відмахнувся – та, мовляв, зібралися місцеві проросійські. Ми були теж етнічні русскіє за прізвищами, і ми ще посміялися. Я народився і виріс на Луганщині. Я не пам’ятаю, щоби через російську мову хтось колись знущався. Я пам’ятаю з дитинства, зі школи, що діти, які розмовляли українською мовою -– от над тими сміялися. А щоб таке ж було приниження російськомовних, я такого не пам’ятаю. Я підійшов до тих людей і запитав їх: а хто ви, що вам треба? Які ваші вимоги? Вони спочатку дуже злякались.

Що це були за люди? Робітники?

Я працював у Красному Лучі на декількох підприємствах до 2007 року, в тому числі керівником. Красний Луч – це сто тисяч населення. Багато кого я знав, і я там побачив деяких із тих, що я знав. Деякі люди, як я впізнав, – це був такий соціальний прошарок алкоголіків. Не кваліфікована робоча сила. Комусь город викопати, комусь сміття вивезти, і оплата одразу в кінці дня грошима. От я побачив там цих людей. Вони кажуть: «У нас ніяких вимог нема. Мер Красного Луча Філіппова нас найняла на роботу. Ми нічого не робимо, ми тут просто сидимо, робимо масовку. В кінці кожного дня нам привозять гроші, їжу, горілку. Все нормально, класна робота». Я зрозумів, що буде все, як у Криму, Абхазії, Осетії, той самий сценарій… Я зацікавився цією темою. Там, де не вдавалося зібрати отаких людей, для таких барикад, по трасі, там тарифи піднімалися до 50 доларів. Якщо ти просидів на блокпості двадцять чотири години – 50 доларів. Для цих людей за добу 50 доларів – це фантастичні були гроші.

Тобто підтримка оцих проросійських рухів на Луганщині… вона не носила якийсь народний характер?

Все за гроші, все за гроші. Були керівники підприємств, які примусово своїх робітників виводили на такі акції, показували масовку. Серед населення – максимум до двадцяти відсотків. Це от ті, хто підтримував Росію. Ну і з тих двадцяти відсотків це більше за гроші. Ідейних таких – один, два, може вісім-дев’ять відсотків. А решта двадцять відсотків були ті, які активно підтримували Україну. А те, що залишилося – шістдесят відсотків – це була така аморфна маса, народ, населення. Вони просто спостерігали.

Важливий момент ще уточню. В Луганській області, в районі Краснодона і Свердловська була дійсно справжня діра. Вона існувала на кордоні з дев’яностих років. Вдень тиша, а вночі це просто Московська кільцева дорога в інший бік. Бо тоді от невеликі машини з Росії везли борошно, морську рибу тощо, а з України – цукор, кольорові метали… І через цю діру навесні 2014 завезли зброю і заїхав з людьми генерал так званого “Війська Донського” Козіцин.

Вони захопили місто Антрацит. І саме вони захопили владу. В Луганській області не було військових частин. Найближча військова частина – в Донецькій області, в місті Краматорськ. Тобто міста охороняла тільки поліція. Половина поліції перейшла на бік Росії за гроші, половина просто самоусунулася. Росіяни заходили в міста невеличкими загонами. Там максимум сімдесят-дев’яносто озброєних солдатів захоплювали першим чином відділки поліції, де була зброя і де могли бути ще ті, хто чинив би опір. Потім все вже це було захоплено. Вони робили в місті, що хотіли.

Як реагували люди ?

Ну, по перше, людей лякала зброя. А потім почався терор. Почали знаходити людей за містами, по посадках, скотчем за спиною зв’язані руки і прострелена голова. Це дуже лякало людей. Я тепер знаю, як виглядав 37-й рік. Сталінські часи. Вдень нікого не чіпали, вночі кудись під’їжджали, вже після другої ночі. Колона автівок. З них виходили люди, ламали двері і катували, грабували, ґвалтували дружину. Вимагали співпраці. Якщо відмовлявся співпрацювати з росіянами – вивозили за місто, часто в старі силосні ями. Там людину розстрілювали і закопували.

Я так розумію, в основному це були бізнесмени…

Ні, не тільки бізнесмени. Це було просто співробітники поліції, співробітники української влади, місцеві депутати, ті, що мали якийсь вплив на суспільство і на владу, і народ їх підтримував.

У вас не було бойового досвіду. Як ви в цій атмосфері наважилися почати партизанську боротьбу? Звідки ви взяли зброю? Де ви знайшли людей, які були готові разом із вами працювати?

Все почалось навесні. Я зрозумів, що буде те ж саме, що було в Абхазії, згодом у Карабасі, в Молдові, в Криму. Я вивіз родину в Грузію, а сам повернувся. Але навесні тоді про партизанський рух ми не думали, ми просто думали про самооборону. Ми почали об’єднуватися тільки на принципах самооборони та самозахисту. У когось була мисливська зброя, в когось ще якась… Ми просто об’єдналися. Я в 2004 році підтримав Помаранчеву революцію. У нас вже були якісь осередки, люди, яких я знав у Краснодоні, в Ровеньках, у Лутугиному, в Луганську. Ті самі люди, які виступали в 2004 році на підтримку України, почали об’єднуватися зараз.

І все ж, питання про зброю актуальне. Що в цей час відбувалося в місті ?

Коли росіяни прийшли, вони почали грабувати. Настав “русскій мір”. Почався з грабежів. Банкомати, відділення банків, дорогі автівки, бізнеси. Вони грабували весь травень і червень. В липні вже нічого і нікого було грабувати. Всі повтікали, або вивезли майно. Автівки поховалися. І тоді оці російські і проросійські люди та місцеві козаки почали продавати зброю. Бо гроші закінчувалися.

Козаки – це російські, чи місцеві?

Місцеві алкоголіки. Їм завозили безконтрольно зброю, набої. І от влітку вони почали торгувати зброєю для того, щоб поправити свої фінансові справи. Автомат Калашникова влітку 2014 року коштував 200 доларів, кулемет Калашнікова – 300 доларів, граната – 50 доларів, пістолет Макарова – 700 доларів, бо багато хто хотів придбати, набої – по долару. Я почав за свої гроші купувати зброю, щоби озброювати своїх товаришів.

Я к вони не змогли зрозуміти, хто скуповує зброю?

Ми не скуповували багато. Нас не було багато. Назву статистику. Ми поділилися вже тоді – на партизанів і підпілля. Партизани – це ті, хто чинив збройний спротив. Статистика була така: в Краснодоні було два партизана, в Ровеньках три, Свердловка – чотири, в Антрациті – п’ять, у Красному Лучі – чотири, в Лутугиному – два, в Луганську – три, в Сніжному – чотири.

Вже багато – це кілька десятків людей.

Ну, якщо говорити про всю область, то не так вже і багато, як для партизанського руху, А от підпілля… підпілля нараховувало декілька тисяч. Щоб ви розуміли, у нас на Луганщині було багато людей, які слідкували за пересуванням російських військ, які робили просто патріотичне графіті, збирали дані про зрадників, про місця розташування російських військ. Таких людей були тисячі.

Я к ви координували мобільний зв’язок? Він же пропадав, і вас могли прослуховувати…

Він був тоді ще там, працював. Потім зник. Мобільний зв’язок почав зникати влітку. До того працював інтернет. На той час росіяни особливо нічого не прослуховували… Плюс тоді ми користувалися популярним на той час месенджером Вайбер. Чесно кажучи, виявилося, що росіяни взагалі не готувалися до партизанського спротиву місцевого населення. Ми продовжували по телефону, у відкритому ефірі щось повідомляти, бо у нас такі люди, але ні в 2014 році, ні в 2015 році росіяни на це не зважали, не робили контрдиверсійних операцій. Контрдиверсійні заходи ФСБ почалися в 2016 тоді, тоді перший з наших партизанів після мене потрапив у полон.

Якою була в ваша перша партизанська акція?

Перша партизанська акція відбулася десь у нас наприкінці серпня. Перше вторгнення відбулося 24 серпня 2014 року, коли Путін дав наказ підтримувати козачі батальйони регулярною армією, і на території Луганської і Донецької областей зайшли регулярні російські війська. Вони завдали нашій армії поразки в Донецькій області під Іловайськом, а в Луганській області під Луганським аеропортом. Наша армія відступила, і зупинити російський наступ вдалося тільки підписанням Мінських домовленостей. Якраз у той час, 23 чи 24 серпня, від Савур-могили відходила Житомирська бригада, і йшла через Сніжне і Красний Луч.

І коли йшли українські танки, тоді козаки і наші місцеві проросійські жителі покидали блокпости, втекли. В місті добу не було ніякої влади. І тоді, 24 серпня, я пам’ <<>>

[NOTES]

• Article body extracted but visibly truncated mid-sentence at the end (“я пам’”).
• Likely due to page length or extraction limit; recommend manual full harvest if needed.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: TSN_2016_09_20

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2016-09-20 — Володимир Жемчугов розповів про найтяжчі дні перебування в полоні — TSN (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QsJv08f4ht0 — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2016-09-20
• Outlet: TSN (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QsJv08f4ht0
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QsJv08f4ht0
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov shares his experiences post-release, including severe injuries from a mine explosion and captivity in Luhansk.
• He describes refusing to collaborate despite torture and his emotional reunion with family.
• The transcript is partial, with English translation; original Ukrainian description provided.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> UA – Володимир Жемчугов розповів про найтяжчі дні перебування в полоні. Володимир після майже річного полону погодився на еклюзивне інтерв’ю для ТСН. Український партизан на Луганщині був тяжко поранений, коли повертався з бойового завдання. Жемчугов каже, останні кілька місяців – були найстрашнішими. Він сидів у Луганській тюрмі і вже не сподівався вийти на волю. Випуск ТСН.Ніч за 20 вересня 2016 року <<>>

[NOTES]

• No full transcript available; only partial English-translated subtitles extracted, and video description in Ukrainian.
• Subtitles appear auto-generated; mark as partial.
• Primary content is description only.

ENTRY ID: NOVYNARNIA_2017_07_14

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2017-07-14 — Екс-полонений Жемчугов звернувся до матерів російських військових, які воюють на Донбасі — Novynarnia (YouTube) — https://novynarnia.com/2017/07/14/eks-poloneniy-zhemchugov-zvernuvsya-do-materiv-rosiyskih-viyskovih-yaki-voyuyut-na-donbasi-video/ — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2017-07-14
• Outlet: Novynarnia (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://novynarnia.com/2017/07/14/eks-poloneniy-zhemchugov-zvernuvsya-do-materiv-rosiyskih-viyskovih-yaki-voyuyut-na-donbasi-video/
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://novynarnia.com/2017/07/14/eks-poloneniy-zhemchugov-zvernuvsya-do-materiv-rosiyskih-viyskovih-yaki-voyuyut-na-donbasi-video/
• HarvestStatus: DESCRIPTION_ONLY

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov appeals to the mother of a captured Russian soldier, contrasting his own harsh captivity with humane treatment in Ukraine.
• He describes torture, lack of medical care, and conditions in Luhansk prison.
• He urges Russian mothers to withdraw their sons from Ukraine to avoid death, injury, or imprisonment.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> Колишній полонений, Герой України Володимир Жемчугов, який провів у полоні бойовиків “ЛНР” майже рік, звернувся до матері затриманого в Луганській області російського єфрейтора Віктора Агєєва.

Звернення Жемчугова записала на камеру журналістка російської “Новой газеты” ще 7 липня, проте сам Жемчугов опублікував його на своїй сторінці в “Фейсбуці” згодом.

Спочатку він розповідає передісторію, як потрапив в полон бойовиків і провів там десять місяців, описуючи жахливі умови, в яких його тримали. При цьому він запевняє матір Агєєва, що з її сином нічого подібного не трапиться, йому пощастить залишитися живим і не скаліченим.

“Я хочу сказати, що тепер ви можете не переживати, з вашим сином все буде нормально, принаймні, він буде здоровий, живий і не отримає поранень на війні. Йому це не загрожує […] Там, де він сидить, в українській в’язниці, до нього ставляться нормально, ви можете написати йому листа, відправити передачу “, – говорить Жемчугов.

“Я був поранений, потрапив у полон, мене лікували в луганській лікарні, мені ампутували руки, у мене були множинні осколкові поранення по всьому тілу, пошкоджено багато органів, втратив зір. Мене лікували тільки для того, щоб потім допитувати “, – згадує Жемчугов.

“Після лікування мене відправили до Луганської в’язниці, де я перебував з кримінальними в’язнями в антисанітарних умовах. У мене не було нічого. Мені дали тільки смердючий старий матрац і порвану смердючу подушку. Коли перший волонтер приніс їжу і почав накладати кашу, у мене не було навіть тарілки, щоб взяти їжу. У мене на тілі були гнійні рани, і я щоранку стукав у двері і говорив охоронцям, щоб мене показали лікарю. Першу операцію з видалення осколків зробили тільки через місяць”, – говорить Жемчугов.

“Моя мама дивувалася, як таку людину можна тримати і не віддавати. Український уряд багато разів звертався до російського уряду, мене просили поміняти, пропонували різні варіанти, але мене не віддавали. Але я впевнений, що з вашим сином все буде нормально. Так, як я мучився, він мучитися не буде”, – зазначив Володимир Жемчугов.

Він звернув увагу матері Агєєва, що до всіх українських полонених ставляться жахливо, до них не допускають ні Червоний Хрест, ні правозахисників, також є проблеми з передачами.

При цьому запевняє, що в українській в’язниці з її сином обійдуться по-людськи.

“Україна – демократична країна і тут дотримуються права людини. Так, вашого сина судитимуть, оскільки він затриманий на території України зі зброєю в руках в бойовій ситуації з документами російського кадрового військового, і він буде засуджений і буде сидіти в українській в’язниці. І це вже не перший російський солдат, якого затримали. І я думаю, що він буде сидіти…” – зазначив Жемчугов.

Він звернувся до всіх матерів російських військових , чиї діти зараз вбивають українців на Донбасі.

“Я прошу вас, заберіть своїх дітей з України і Криму тому, що їх або поховають, або вони стануть інвалідами, або їх посадять в українську в’язницю. Якщо вам це треба, то… Я знаю, що всім російським солдатам платять хороші зарплати, ви живете за рахунок їхніх зарплат, покриваєте свої кредити, купуєте якісь речі. Але я не знаю, наскільки можна бути такою людиною, щоб ці речі, ці кредити, які ви покриваєте кривавими грошима […]

Всі ці ваші сини – вбивці, солдати, які зараз вбивають громадян України, – рано чи пізно постануть перед судом, покарання неминуче. Схаменіться”, – сказав Герой України Жемчугів.

Як писала “Новинарня“, Віктор Агєєв був затриманий українськими військовими у ході бою в районі села Жолобок у Луганській області 24 червня. Зараз він перебуває в СІЗО у Старобільську, з ним працює СБУ.

Агєєв в інтерв’ю каналу “1+1” повідомив, що служить у Ростовській області, в Новочеркаську, в полку зв’язку та навчальному центрі повітряно-космічних сил Росії.

Він підтвердив, що в березні 2017 приїхав з Алтаю в місця, де раніше проходив строкову службу, підписав контракт на службу в ЗС Росії, з “армією ЛНР” та невдовзі був відправлений на Донбас.

Російська сторона заперечує факт існування контракту. <<>>

[NOTES]

• No full transcript available; embedded video not transcribed, but article body includes appeal text as written content.
• Appears to be a written-up version of the video; treated as description only.
• No subtitles noted; auto-generated not detected.

ENTRY ID: PRYAMIY_2021_09_11

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2021-09-11 — Герой України Володимир Жемчугов про війну, полон, посттравматичний синдром — Pryamiy (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I3UivWYkYIE — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2021-09-11
• Outlet: Pryamiy (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I3UivWYkYIE
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I3UivWYkYIE
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov discusses his background, motivation for resistance in 2014, and coordination with Ukrainian forces.
• He recounts sabotage operations, capture, and post-trauma experiences.
• Transcript is partial and fragmented, with mixed languages likely from auto-generation errors.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [6s] [music] [8s] [applause] [10s] [music] [13s] [applause] [13s] [music] [27s] mine, I’m Vladimir Goncharov, I’m digging up Ukraine’s nakedness, I [30s] ‘m not so named, and the LPR [32s] Luhansk partisan before the interview, [36s] especially for the number of his [37s] interview, good, he’ll wait for the results of the [40s] programs, [41s] I think the devil print out from your [46s] biography, [48s] but Pacino, it’s just that I’m [51s] in the Omsk region, [57s] Mr. Red Ray, Ural watches, in the [57s] 1970th company, I’ll be the sound of bast shoes, [1m 5s] the device, your second [1m 7s] in the length of the line, had heavy, [1m 10s] economical hands, and came, replaced this [1m 14s] profession, his against the manager, you [1m 14s] rush, supplements, smooth com, [1m 21s] program, columns of sprats, an enterprise in the [1m 25s] Luhansk region, then was under their acceptance in [1m 27s] Georgia, there, bitters, in his company, [1m 31s] against the car, the [1m 34s] fourteenth company, turned to the release, [1m 39s] not to visit mom, [1m 44s] having seen Russian soldiers, and I’m [1m 47s] growing, I should, what will we earn for [1m 51s] me, well, what is the main motivation [1m 54s] inside, nutrition for 3 directions for She [1m 57s] lived there on behalf of her sister, you obeyed [2m] banditry and began, verse after verse, the police [2m 4s] began to work people, my mat food [2m 8s] had fun and sisters and there and well, my [2m 9s] friends were so sweet, I would have decided [2m 13s] I should [2m 13s] capture them, [2m 21s] I will even more everything there still find out there will be [2m 24s] paths, it will be like [2m 25s] in Donbass, as in [2m 28s] Transnistria, [2m 29s] Abkhazia, together, ballot boxes in Karabakh, everything will be the [2m 32s] same, [2m 34s] Russian soldiers for a ruble from, so what will [2m 38s] happen there. [2m 42s] I’ll be in the Caucasus, I saw Nagorno- [2m 42s] Karabakh, Abkhazia, and the Chechnya series. I didn’t want [2m 49s] my region to turn [2m 49s] into this zone, a black zone of poison, guilt, having [2m 59s] driven by color, and I see in my [3m 2s] own burden, you, my children, [3m 7s] in the European light, I didn’t shake [3m 9s] that we had a customs union [3m 13s] with Russia, who adored us, [3m 16s] wanting the country code of Europe, and [3m 17s] apologized, and Vader, the Odessa occupation, [3m 21s] and they [3m 24s] live and good, that’s why I’ll post that I’m [3m 28s] now peacocks, it will work, childbirth occurred, [3m 28s] legs, someone can [3m 32s] [music] [3m 36s] Mom, well, Nazar, I’ll die, [3m 40s] like, Marlan, smoke, [3m 43s] his cancer, cancer, [3m 43s] squad, [3m 50s] write, the sloop should us, one time, earthly, [3m 54s] this one in Kyiv, we are now infected, high, high, [3m 56s] Kyiv, on magical, nasty, in the new, [3m 59s] well, one time, we are [4m 1s] engaged in aromatics, idealism, we [4m 6s] are engaged in social up to 1000 x Vanya [4m 6s] and Molodi, well, one time, so [4m 14s] in the fourteenth I lead I took my mother from them in Tbilisi [4m 20s] and turned [4m 24s] into red rays and so that well, [4m 28s] why didn’t I just from the [4m 31s] ready-made work? I knew these people, these I [4m 35s] knew in the carved places of the Luhansk region, [4m 39s] we Sortavala in order to protect especially [4m 42s] magicians. I bring good ones, dug up and with an [4m 45s] eyebrow, Russian, these metals, Cossacks, [4m 49s] these so-called narwhals, [4m 52s] ingrown weapons are destined for us. You weren’t rude at first, Vala, [4m 56s] and you first bargained with me, eyebrows, and with [5m] this we, why [5m 8s] after [5m 11s] the events of dexterity 14, we already saw the hand of [5m 13s] regulars, all as you entered instead of the [5m 16s] red beam, Watt Rocite awards on the [5m 20s] Russian Wisconsin Dagestani [5m 24s] battalions of the Ryazan airborne division, [5m 27s] we have already died and attacked and already with a [5m 30s] sail against them, blew up their communications, [5m 32s] blew up and columns [5m 34s] gave a mattress payment, maybe grow, otherwise I [5m 39s] risk equipment and ammunition and by [5m 41s] rail, [5m 44s] so there is 14-15 half of 15 we [5m 46s] were engaged in [5m 49s] partisan guilt in the fourteenth Rositsa [5m 52s] was a special side, our fast [5m 56s] guerrilla war didn’t recognize us, and [6m] Ukrainian risks were [6m 2s] very high. Well, there were a lot of people for Rada, and he didn’t [6m 3s] trust me. In the fifteenth lesson, I was already at the [6m 5s] beginning of the 15th, already arrived in Kyiv, brought with [6m 7s] me to carry around, [6m 11s] and a description of all our [6m 14s] guerrilla operations was still the mayor, and [6m 18s] then they already began to trust us, and already on the 15th we will abandon [6m 19s] and it was time to guerrilla guilt in the [6m 23s] commune. Q. I was already with bromine, the forces of [6m 26s] Ukraine, [6m 28s] herbalist, internship, coupe, let’s 2, and you [6m 31s] grew up, can’t blow up Vista in your hand [6m 34s] and lack coordination, or were elected mass [6m 36s] Ukraine, then it was time to go on sabotage [6m 42s] operations on the territory of the LPR, [6m 45s] just shake it up, [6m 47s] but from the section of the 15th to Tony, [6m 47s] Tony, with a carcass, it’s not so, and for this type, [6m 54s] Teya, I’m pushing [6m 56s] partially 15 in coordination for the Ukrainian [6m 59s] army, section by [7m 6s] until [7m 8s] the moment of being captured [7m 11s] in 28, in a dream on the 15th, everything was already [7m 12s] with fast [7m 17s] food Coordination with coordination is already behind the [7m 20s] Ukrainian [7m 25s] risky ones, well, I can’t call it [7m 28s] defense, or call it a specific operation [7m 35s] yet, but still, quieter, I’ve already proven the facts, the LPR MGB [7m 38s] was blown up, power lines were blown up, and [7m 42s] the territory of Russia was supplied to a risky [7m 47s] airfield near Luhansk, the so-called LA, a [7m 50s] risky aviation navigator school, [7m 54s] where, yes, I just happened to be with rams down the [7m 56s] ramp into captivity, a train was also blown up [8m 2s] in Lutugine, and [8m 6s] ammunition was transported <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; appears fragmented and includes non-Ukrainian words, likely from auto-generated subtitles.
• Full video not fully transcribed; ends abruptly.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: VIKNA_2022_06_23

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2022-06-23 — Special Agents or Ordinary Patriots? The Whole Truth about Kherson Partisans — Vikna (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VaH-7e3_apU — (Russian)
• Date: 2022-06-23
• Outlet: Vikna (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Russian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VaH-7e3_apU
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VaH-7e3_apU
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov explains partisan composition in occupied areas like Kherson, with 60% military-trained and 40% civilian patriots.
• He discusses tactics including sabotage, reconnaissance, and online training for resistance.
• Transcript is partial, focusing on key segments.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [5s] How do Ukrainian partisans work? Is there a [7s] functioning partisan [9s] movement? I’ll talk about this, not only [10s] with Vladimir Zhemchugov, the owner of the [12s] Ukrainian partisans, a hero of Ukraine, and [15s] participants in the Russian-Ukrainian war. [18s] Vladimir, hello, hello, enemies. [20s] So, Vladimir, as a former commander of the [23s] partisan Cheka in Donbass, we [25s] heard in the report what they said there. The [27s] Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions are the main ones. What if the [29s] partisan movement is specifically in Donbass [32s] and in other regions that are [34s] under occupation or were bought out? [37s] Like the Kyiv [40s] region or Chernihiv, for example. Of [42s] course, the Donetsk-Luhansk region was occupied until [46s] February 24th. [47s] Everything [50s] remained the same. [55s] Only [55s] in 1919 was a detachment given the order to [1m 3s] focus more on reconnaissance [1m 7s] activities in those territories. Combat operations were slightly [1m 10s] curtailed and only just resumed [1m 13s] this year. [1m 16s] Let’s say the frontline ones, [1m 20s] like the Kherson region and the [1m 23s] Kharkiv region, where an [1m 27s] armed [1m 31s] partisan underground was preparing, where they were preparing, where they had caches of [1m 32s] weapons and ammunition, but as time has shown, [1m 38s] we didn’t expect such a large- [1m 39s] scale aggression. [1m 41s] [music] I [1m 44s] would like to see [1m 47s] more preparation done. Who are [1m 51s] all these people who are [1m 53s] in the partisan movement? Are [1m 57s] they local residents or were they [2m] preliminarily [2m 3s] sent, like from an apartment, and there are certain military personnel there, [2m 7s] disguised as civilians. If [2m 10s] they have any connections with [2m 11s] Ukrainian military personnel at all, then maybe [2m 14s] they are somehow supervised, communicate, or at [2m 17s] least have access to this information. [2m 20s] But what we see now, I would divide this [2m 24s] whole partisan movement. [2m 27s] About 60 percent is made up of [2m 27s] trained [2m 34s] military personnel, and we’ll talk about 40 [2m 34s] percent are patriots, [2m 39s] civilians. [2m 42s] Naturally, the entire partisan movement [2m 45s] consists of people who are registered there. [2m 48s] We remember 1914, when [2m 51s] the occupiers came to the cities, they immediately [2m 54s] captured the first thing. There was a military registration and enlistment office, [2m 55s] the police were interested in [2m 59s] lists and [3m 2s] archival documents, who was a serviceman, [3m 5s] who collaborated with the special services, who had [3m 8s] weapons at home, and [3m 11s] we all know this, and so she received it [3m 14s] now, and when Russian [3m 17s] special services enter a city, they take everything into their own [3m 19s] hands and begin combing through and working with the [3m 22s] local population. [3m 25s] Naturally, if this is a visitor, he [3m 27s] will be in the partisans and he will immediately fall into the [3m 30s] active field of view of the Russian [3m 33s] special services, so [3m 36s] first of all, it is local residents who fight there. There is a [3m 38s] local unit that is [3m 41s] trained, that is, roughly speaking, [3m 43s] let’s call them military. There are people who [3m 46s] simply resist the occupation [3m 49s] authorities. All these stories about a grandmother [3m 51s] who poisoned the occupiers with pies, [3m 55s] about a man who gave them [3m 56s] some kind of poisoned alcohol there – it’s all [3m 58s] true, it’s [4m 1s] true. These are the 40 percent [4m 4s] I’m talking about. Over the past eight years, [4m 8s] many [4m 10s] patriotically minded people have already understood what [4m 12s] Russia is, that some kind of our brother, so to speak, [4m 14s] in quotes, and [4m 18s] they realized that [4m 20s] this will definitely be an occupation. These are these [4m 22s] fake people’s republics. So this is [4m 24s] just a transitional stage to deceive [4m 28s] people and [4m 29s] people do not want to go to Russia. People have seen the [4m 32s] advantage of the [4m 35s] European way of life, European [4m 39s] standards, and [4m 44s] people are against it. Moreover, you know, Ukrainians are [4m 46s] truly loving and naturally, when force [4m 49s] comes, Russia comes. Power is [4m 51s] what forces you to do. [4m 54s] Naturally, there will be resistance. Those who [4m 57s] can resist will do so. This is how you [5m] glue patriotic leaflets on the Internet. There are [5m 2s] quite a lot of templates. You make [5m 5s] patriotic graffiti on fences at [5m 10s] bus stops. Those who know how to use [5m 11s] weapons were trained and they offer [5m 14s] armed resistance. [5m 16s] Naturally, we remember the mistakes again, three times a year. [5m 19s] 14 years ago, they were preparing [5m 22s] specifically for armed resistance. [5m 25s] There is no data about them. Local military registration and enlistment offices have data about them [5m 27s] only in [them]. Therefore, [5m 31s] it is our ego that is prepared and [5m 34s] armed under [the word “hulja”]. It is deep [5m 36s] underground. There is a [5m 38s] conspiracy there. People are trained in conspiracy [5m 41s] and do not offer armed resistance. [5m 43s] Well, people who are not trained, they are [5m 45s] risking their lives and [5m 48s] health. How can they protect themselves? [5m 49s] How can they not give themselves away? And if there was a report that [5m 55s] about 200 more went missing in the Kherson region. [5m 57s] 200 people, how can we find them later, how can [5m 59s] we help them so that they don’t become victims of [6m 1s] Russian occupation forces? Because, for [6m 3s] example, in Zaporizhzhia, the [6m 5s] occupation forces are already [6m 8s] threatening the death penalty, including for [6m 10s] people who resist the regime. [6m 12s] For those [6m 14s] civilians who want to [6m 17s] resist, there are now [6m 20s] many platforms launched on the Internet that [6m 22s] teach conspiracy, [6m 25s] how to conduct guerrilla warfare, how [6m 28s] to use communications, how to [6m 30s] even conduct some guerrilla [6m 34s] operations to their advantage, how to use [6m 37s] sabotage. There are many resources, such as on the [6m 40s] pages with Protiv Ruhal, a couple on the [6m 41s] page [6m 45s] [music] of the [6m 46s] operations of the joint forces and the SBU. [6m 48s] Well, [6m 51s] military television is filming videos. [6m 54s] I even took part in some of them. I taught [6m 58s] people specifically about conspiracy and [7m 1s] putting pressure on laboratory assistants, how [7m 2s] to sabotage the occupation [7m 3s] administration, how to conduct some [7m 7s] combat operations [7m 9s] using improvised means. This is <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; appears auto-generated in English (original video in Russian).
• Transcript covers key discussion but not full video; ends mid-sentence.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: UKRAINIANRADIO_2023_02_08

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2023-02-08 — Володимир Жемчугов про український партизанський рух — Ukrainian Radio (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=djz7QEqyfg0 — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2023-02-08
• Outlet: Ukrainian Radio (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=djz7QEqyfg0
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=djz7QEqyfg0
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov discusses early resistance formation in 2014, including self-defense groups and weapon acquisition from black market.
• He recounts operations, coordination with Ukrainian forces, and his capture.
• Transcript is partial and fragmented.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [12s] [music] In [16s] the fourteenth company, in the spring, I made [19s] a decision, sisters, fight, you. I, having counted with my [21s] brother, people are traveling and going through places in the Luhansk [24s] region, a little bit, [28s] on the cordon from the Donetsk region, Snezhnoe, [31s] Torez, Shakhtarskaya, there, too, who I knew, and having started, well, [34s] trying to unite, to [36s] earn money, [39s] but Wednesday, but We started then, not that we didn’t [40s] think then, on the 8-14th rock, a [42s] project from Partisan for one. We thought [44s] at first, like beetnatnosti, to overwhelm [48s] with ourselves, it [48s] was there from the eyebrow of a [55s] cliff. Well, Yes, I tried to look for contacts of the [59s] Ukrainian national forces, we were [1m 1s] scabby, I to Just scouts, [1m 4s] we were just collecting intelligence, just went [1m 8s] drawing Russian squealing there about the [1m 12s] places of their shuffling, the names, phone numbers of [1m 16s] officers, there, soldiers, such a thing, Well, no [1m 19s] one, well, further Further, nothing [1m 21s] slave Well, there was a [1m 23s] lot of mistrust, Bachi in officers, [1m 25s] officers of the Ukrainian national forces, there was a lot of [1m 28s] mistrust, we all have, we are in places, [1m 32s] residents We were ready Russian [1m 33s] Nicknames in those hours, the soul was rich in [1m 35s] Luhansk, Donetsk was also rich in [1m 38s] betrayals. You know that almost everyone in the SBU [1m 42s] was pleased about the police, the militia, the [1m 45s] administration, there was a fight all around, there was no one to [1m 50s] rely on, and but about this, [1m 52s] that this was such a serious operative, there couldn’t be [1m 56s] betrayal, there was every other one. And [2m] then I, Bachi, that they don’t trust us. Well, we were fussing with a saw, [2m 3s] passing on intelligence, and from an [2m 3s] eyebrow, she didn’t give us an [2m 12s] eyebrow, we’re tearing off to catch those same Russians [2m 15s] themselves, gossiping at the beginning of Kola in May in [2m 17s] trauma, alien purchases, Anthracite with a [2m 20s] brother and a [2m 23s] request, their squads and simply. Well, no one, [2m 27s] at first, who came there, [2m 30s] more and more, less had already begun, otherwise the [2m 33s] Ukrainian army began to attack, well, [2m 36s] and he was simply handing out weapons, he [2m 37s] came to the enterprise that he [2m 40s] needed people to drop to the mines, [2m 43s] Ivanov, [2m 45s] well, so that the slave three designate. You [2m 50s] first the police, but his goal was his [2m 54s] there, he had machine guns, and-a, he got there and We’ve got the Russians in our hands [2m 58s] from Kozin, a psycho. Uh, whoever pressed in would join [3m 2s] these units. They gave us [3m 5s] one machine gun, three magazines, three magazines, and [3m 7s] one box of cartridges, one for two, [3m 10s] and a Porsche. We tore off Russian machine guns, [3m 14s] then I pay, they were brought from [3m 16s] Georgia, my place of work, pennies on the [3m 19s] plane, you can carry 10,000 euros [3m 23s] without declaring, and [3m 25s] then we bought harnesses from the Russian Cossacks [3m 30s] who provided this to the units. That’s what they [3m 33s] called grenades from the eyebrow, and so I [3m 36s] repaired them at night, I repaired them already against [3m 39s] and [3m 43s] cola, I wrote everything down, I clearly [3m 46s] kept track of the operations on the computer on a flash drive, where [3m 49s] they pass, yakons, passages, why did we [3m 53s] cross myself, I went to the parish, how they left, [3m 56s] dropping social networks, uh, what, well, [3m 59s] where do people confirm there you are, God [4m 1s] happened on the highway, a column was walking, there was fire, [4m 6s] and the column was fired upon, there, [4m 11s] Viscochitists. Well, there, Peter, ramparts, I climbed in, [4m 13s] 14th hand. I had already arrived in Kyiv, I found [4m 15s] contacts and I already gave that flash drive after the [4m 19s] verified information, they began to [4m 21s] trust us and I made photocopies of [4m 25s] my comrades’ passports and we were [4m 29s] already reserved. I would have been a commander, I was [4m 31s] registered, I began to put the Ukrainian national forces, [4m 36s] my comrades [4m 40s] registered and those starting from 2015, [4m 42s] the age was, we were already officially, and [4m 45s] in the warehouse of the Ukrainian national forces, [4m 48s] the coordinators wrote all their ideas for the national team [4m 51s] to Ukraine from the 15th lesson, what [4m 54s] was said by the Cyrillicist of the country was [4m 56s] our Peter. 30 successful operations were carried out, [4m 59s] successful operations were still [4m 59s] rich [5m 7s] already in Litku 14 hand, we stopped for [5m 11s] the past to our [5m 16s] cells of new members of Kola, [5m 18s] we tried back in the spring just the sight of [5m 21s] this grammar of demand to drive [5m 25s] these people out of the Barricades. They weren’t there. The dumping of [5m 29s] my comrades in the pachels in Rovenki [5m 31s] Krasnodon, they enter bytami, the same [5m 34s] system, [5m 36s] the road in the plantings from the finds, [5m 40s] hands tied with tape behind the back and shot in the [5m 42s] head was the FSB. But here they are hiding again [5m 47s] prey than Well, [5m 50s] in a civilian way, it left with an eyebrow, they [5m 53s] understand, here, [5m 56s] the capture of their people, everyone was there After [5m 59s] which we stopped altogether [6m] for the past – we already had a drink, [6m 1s] like [6m 4s] [music] [6m 6s] I’ll check for sprats and we all [6m 11s] continued to work [6m 11s] wild Kostya on the waves, no one asked for [6m 19s] today, everyone, I’m eating on [6m 21s] Kirovan national special forces of Ukraine, she [6m 25s] gives the task to the main three structures, the [6m 29s] main ones are engaged in punishing, [6m 32s] creating and crucifying partisan [6m 36s] special operations forces and the SBU service, [6m 39s] all the main three [6m 41s] services of Yakiya, here they punish cardio, this [6m 44s] finances and [6m 44s] supplies [6m 51s] Everyone has their own hip, make your own [6m 54s] zagi cells and [6m 57s] We also, in principle, as of 15 years left, [7m] we divide [7m 2s] ourselves into two categories C Partisans of all [7m 5s] who are a [7m 9s] team of operas and [7m 9s] hand, those who [7m 12s] [music] are more <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; appears fragmented from auto-generated process.
• Transcript incomplete, ends mid-sentence.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: ANNA_2023_05_23

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2023-05-23 — Герої України: як луганський партизан наводив страх на російських бойовиків — Anna Maksymchuk (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tN_-1H91wTQ — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2023-05-23
• Outlet: Anna Maksymchuk (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tN_-1H91wTQ
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tN_-1H91wTQ
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• The video narrates Zhemchugov’s 2014 resistance, mine injury, captivity, torture, and exchange.
• It emphasizes family support and Russian atrocities.
• Transcript is partial, covering main narrative.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [5s] A year in captivity, torture and attempts to break the [8s] Ukrainian spirit, Volodymyr Zhemchugov, [10s] otherwise known as the Luhansk Partisan, [13s] as no one knows about the atrocities committed by his [16s] bloodthirsty neighbor, a man from [18s] the city of Krasny Luch, who in Luhansk used to [22s] be a businessman and [25s] lived in Tbilisi for several years before the war. In 2014, he [28s] traveled to his native Luhansk region to [31s] visit his mother and was shocked by the events. [33s] All administrative buildings were seized by [36s] Russian security forces, and the local population [39s] was divided into two camps. Then the man [43s] clearly understood that he would not return to Georgia [45s] because it was worth fighting. In 1914, [49s] Russian soldiers came to us [52s] personally. Our place was captured on [55s] May 4, 1914, [57s] by detachments of the So-called General Kozitsin [1m] and the [1m 3s] Don Cossacks. [1m 3s] We [1m 9s] united with the guys and the locals. It [1m 11s] all started simply for defense. No one [1m 14s] thought about a big war there about the [1m 16s] partisan movement. It just turned out to be a [1m 19s] Russian peace. Russians brought peace. There [1m 21s] was so much banditry, looting, murders [1m 24s] everywhere on the streets and we united [1m 28s] simply to protect our [1m 30s] families but then it became clear that we had to [1m 34s] protect not only our families but the [1m 36s] cities and the region because the [1m 39s] occupation began the Russian army came as [1m 42s] Volodymyr recalls the occupation was [1m 44s] slow but sure it all started [1m 47s] with propagandists who incited people [1m 50s] and imposed their views on them [1m 53s] bribed the top and [1m 55s] the aggression of armed separatists spread the [1m 58s] occupation authorities took control of the city in [2m 1s] May then 300 people gathered in the square [2m 4s] and on behalf of this city they elected [2m 7s] a new self-proclaimed mayor and later [2m 9s] regular Russian troops arrived with [2m 12s] equipment the man emphasizes together with those who [2m 15s] cared united in a partisan [2m 17s] detachment and resisted in every way sometimes at [2m 19s] the cost of their own lives most people no [2m 21s] one prepared in the 14th year for the war [2m 23s] most people got scared and just [2m 25s] sat at home [2m 28s] afraid to show their public [2m 32s] position such cases as well yes The [2m 36s] Maidan took place in Kyiv, unfortunately, it didn’t happen. [2m 38s] Well, it didn’t happen because, remember, [2m 40s] at first they didn’t shoot live ammunition on the Maidan either. [2m 43s] And the Russians came to us right away. They had [2m 45s] weapons with live ammunition and they immediately [2m 48s] killed those who opposed them. They immediately killed [2m 52s] my friends who supported me. They [2m 54s] found them there until May. They found them in anthracite. They [2m 57s] found the same scenario: [3m] hands tied behind their backs with tape and a shot [3m 3s] head. They found them either on the roads [3m 6s] or in the plantings. These were activists who [3m 9s] incited the people or wherever there was resistance. [3m 12s] Facebook immediately calculated and recalculated [3m 15s] it, so they brutally killed the partisan [3m 18s] cells. They did sabotage, especially at night. So [3m 21s] the Russians were afraid to leave their places [3m 23s] of deployment. Everything was going well until one of the [3m 26s] tasks for Vladimir Zhemchugov [3m 29s] became fatal. I mined a [3m 31s] Russian power line that was coming from [3m 35s] Russia, but I made a mistake and went the [3m 39s] other way and not the way I came and [3m 43s] went to the Marina Fields and stepped on it. [3m 46s] I got a stretch before, well, I got very serious [3m 48s] injuries, but I didn’t die and changed then the [3m 50s] Russians took Russian troops took [3m 52s] prisoner, the banned Partisan got to the [3m 55s] intensive care unit of the Luhansk hospital, it [3m 58s] was already clear that he had lost both [4m] limbs, but I didn’t see him with my own eyes, they [4m 3s] put guards next to him and didn’t let anyone in, [4m 5s] as he was being divided, his wife Olena [4m 7s] was always in touch with him, but after the tragedy, [4m 10s] for some time, I completely lost [4m 14s] any contact with him at first. It was [4m 16s] even incomprehensible to me. Is he there in the intensive care unit [4m 19s] in such a serious condition, because a [4m 24s] lot of businessmen were taken away then, thrown [4m 27s] into the basement, called their wives to [4m 29s] buy them out, they [4m 31s] called the price, but they didn’t offer me that, they [4m 34s] really told me that he was in [4m 38s] serious condition in the intensive care unit and his [4m 41s] heart was breaking, but I, well, I wanted to [4m 43s] find some way to [4m 44s] reach him, I [4m 49s] called, I [4m 52s] found the phones of the regional [4m 54s] intensive care unit, but they didn’t answer, that is, the [4m 59s] phones were I was [5m 2s] already out of work at that time and I [5m 5s] just found people who just gave me the [5m 7s] phone number for the intensive care unit and He answered [5m 10s] and confirmed the information [5m 12s] Vladimir’s life was hanging in the balance due to a [5m 14s] catastrophic shortage of medicines and [5m 17s] improper care and a strong female [5m 20s] partisan did not give up and fought for [5m 22s] any information after a long [5m 25s] wait. A ray of hope still [5m 29s] appeared when the video of Vladimir’s interrogation [5m 34s] appeared on the Internet. We saw him [5m 38s] in that video simply when he himself [5m 41s] said that he wanted I want to shoot new videos. [5m 44s] Well, he didn’t just say it himself, he wanted [5m 48s] information because he understood that there was [5m 52s] no information, that is, no one knows about him, he’s [5m 54s] there, well, who knows about him? His wife [5m 57s] also had some information about this, [5m 59s] he didn’t understand that I had been fighting for him from the first day. [6m 2s] Later, my husband ended up in [6m 4s] prison where he spent several months in a detention [6m 7s] center. Other prisoners looked after him, [6m 11s] but the conditions there were terrible. [6m 13s] In September 2016, Vladimir was finally [6m 16s] returned home in captivity. He spent [6m 18s] almost a year together. With him they brought another [6m 21s] Ukrainian who also suffered at the hands of [6m 24s] the occupiers, two of them were exchanged for four [6m 27s] collaborators, so the first thing the hero of [6m 30s] Ukraine did was hug his beloved wife. Now he [6m 32s] considers it his mission to <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; appears auto-generated in English (original video in Ukrainian).
• Transcript incomplete, ends mid-sentence.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: SOVA_2023_08_31

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2023-08-31 — Герой Украины о войне 2008 года в Грузии и зарождении конфликта в Донбассе. Часть 1 — SOVA (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lMgZGDvxpWQ — (Russian)
• Date: 2023-08-31
• Outlet: SOVA (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Russian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lMgZGDvxpWQ
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lMgZGDvxpWQ
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov reflects on the 2008 Russo-Georgian War influencing his views on Russia.
• He discusses pre-war attitudes, propaganda, and historical parallels in conflicts like Chechnya and Karabakh.
• Transcript is partial, covering initial segments.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [6s] During the Russo-Georgian war in [9s] 2008, you were in Georgia and in an interview [12s] after, you often said that here at [16s] that time you were treated as a Russian. [19s] How was this attitude manifested? [22s] Yes, I came here to do business with a [25s] Ukrainian passport, a citizen of Ukraine, [30s] but who would they meet? I gave [34s] my last name and everyone perceived me as [37s] Russian. I asked why such an [39s] attitude right away. I’m from Ukraine. Well, I gave my last [42s] name. It’s clear who your father is. It’s clear [46s] who you are, and therefore there [52s] was no such small adjustment at all. I seem to be [54s] Ukrainian but with Russian roots. [57s] How exactly did this [57s] adjustment manifest itself? [1m 5s] But if at all. Tell me, for all these years [1m 10s] that I lived in Ruza [1m 10s] before our war, [1m 18s] wherever I went, whether in [1m 20s] Georgia or Armenia or [1m 24s] Azerbaijan or the North Caucasus, [1m 27s] always after commercial conversations. Well, [1m 29s] Caucasian hospitality was invited to a [1m 33s] restaurant there and still [1m 37s] conversations turned to political topics and [1m 41s] still they remembered Russians. [1m 44s] I was shocked, let’s say, especially in the North [1m 48s] Caucasus. That remembers their [1m 50s] ancestors there up to the 10th generation and there were Even such [1m 54s] conversations. One person [1m 56s] said that this is it, yes, my father [1m 58s] was killed by the Russians in [2m 1s] 1993, [2m 3s] and mine [2m 7s] was killed by the Russians in [2m 7s] 1920, [2m 17s] my great-grandfather was killed by the Russians in 1855, [2m 20s] and these are always the years that I told you. [2m 27s] When the Russian army came to the [2m 28s] Caucasus again, I was under occupation, there were continuous [2m 33s] killings, [2m 36s] this kind of struck me, and today’s [2m 38s] prospects, given the current war in [2m 40s] Ukraine. What do you think? Was [2m 43s] this attitude [2m 47s] towards Russians right? [2m 51s] But you know, we now have [2m 53s] such a wave in Ukraine that there are no good Russians. Good [3m] Russians, well, there are, but they are sitting in [3m 2s] prison on political charges. This is the [3m 7s] only good Russians, [3m 10s] everything is being done in Russia, but [3m 13s] they all voted for Putin. Most of [3m 15s] Putin’s words, those who did not vote, were [3m 19s] silent and [3m 22s] led to the fact that Putin [3m 24s] turned into Hitler using exactly the same [3m 29s] methods as [3m 32s] Hitler, and I think that [3m 37s] in the future, our people will always compare Putin [3m 40s] with Hitler and Mussolini, and people, yes, [3m 43s] perhaps they were intoxicated by propaganda. [3m 47s] Television and cinema have a very big [3m 51s] influence on a person, on an ordinary [3m 53s] person. Especially for someone who [3m 56s] has read only one history book in their entire life, a [4m 4s] history textbook, and as a rule, it’s a Soviet one, where [4m 6s] 90 percent of it is nonsense, and they read it [4m 9s] because they forced them to read it at school. [4m 12s] After school, few people were [4m 17s] interested in anything. Well, now YouTube gives [4m 20s] more opportunities, but Russia [4m 22s] [music]. [4m 26s] I think, you know, I’m caught up in this [4m 30s] excitement that Putin created. Great [4m 34s] Russia, we can do everything, it’s all ours, we’ll get it all back, [4m 34s] we’re the victors. [4m 39s] It’s some kind of virus. Did the [4m 48s] 2008 war in Georgia affect you personally? [4m 53s] If so, how? [4m 58s] But you know, even before 2008, I believed that there were [4m 59s] still many good people in Russia and that Russia [5m 3s] had changed [5m 3s] and was [5m 8s] really going down some kind of [5m 11s] long, albeit democratic, path. [5m 12s] But after what I saw here in [5m 17s] Georgia, [5m 18s] I went there myself on August 23rd, before the fourth [5m 23s] mountain, [5m 23s] talked with people, I realized that [5m 31s] Russia is an occupier. After [5m 34s] talking more with people after [5m 37s] the events of the war, children all year began to be [5m 40s] more interested in the events that [5m 42s] happened there in the Abkhazian region, the [5m 45s] Tinvar region, I read and was more [5m 48s] interested in what’s going on in Vodnoye. Karabakh [5m 51s] happened in Chechnya, I was just, well, sort of [5m 54s] captured, well, this was my hobby, the history of [5m 57s] all this, I realized that [5m 59s] Russia is [6m 2s] really an [6m 6s] occupier and [6m 10s] in the Caucasus it showed itself. Well, yes, exactly the same, it seems like [6m 12s] they are not there, but all around there is [6m 15s] Russian money, Russian machine guns, [6m 17s] Russian soldiers without [6m 19s] insignia, without shoulder straps, without [6m 20s] chevrons, but everything except [6m 23s] [music] [6m 25s] is controlled by Russians and [6m 30s] [music]. [6m 33s] This means that for me, [6m 36s] honestly, after all this I [6m 38s] saw, I even felt ashamed that I am [6m 41s] Russian by nationality. [6m 44s] And what was the most striking moment of the Russian- [6m 48s] Georgian war that you remember? [6m 51s] Well, there were several. Well, briefly, I’ll make my way through. [6m 56s] I remember I was somewhere [6m 58s] there on August 20th and then Nachertiladze. I [7m] was walking, talking on the phone in [7m 2s] Russian, some men passed by and [7m 4s] rushed to fight me because I [7m 9s] spoke Russian. [7m 9s] This was the Russian language, I heard Russian more than once. [7m 17s] Well, there were conflicts [7m 21s] because of the Russian language. I [7m 24s] remember a situation when, you [7m 28s] know, it was kind of emotional, [7m 30s] somewhere around August 10th or 11th, no [7m 33s] organizations were working here in [7m 36s] Tbilisi. I went to my office on a Lilo Verte, [7m 38s] took a programmer with me, [7m 39s] I sent my employees home. Well, with the [7m 42s] programmer, so he could just check [7m 45s] while he could, [7m 51s] the computers, antivirus programs weren’t working, and [7m 56s] someone called him and he went out into the hallway. [7m 58s] He came in, I didn’t recognize him, with the programmers, it was [8m] Sashka, his name was, and he was all white and [8m 3s] pale. I say, Sashka, what happened to you? [8m 6s] He says, my younger brother, he called [8m 6s] the National Guard [8m 10s] and [8m 10s] [music] [8m 16s] <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; appears auto-generated in English (original video in Russian).
• Transcript incomplete, ends abruptly.
• No paywall encountered; noted as Part 1, but no full series harvested.

ENTRY ID: UKRINFORM_2023_12_21

[HEADER]

• SourceType: Lecture
• MasterIndexRef: 2023-12-21 — Presentation of the fourth part of the educational project “Dialogues about war” — Ukrinform (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s3Xn1VBDvl0 — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2023-12-21
• Outlet: Ukrinform (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s3Xn1VBDvl0
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s3Xn1VBDvl0
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• The video presents the fourth part of an educational project on the Russian-Ukrainian war for youth.
• Speakers discuss the project’s relevance, incorporation into curricula, and countering disinformation.
• Transcript is partial auto-generated English subtitles.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [1m 21s] hello this is man happy to uh greet you
[1m 24s] here today Whoever has joined us uh at
[1m 28s] ukan Forum today hello everyone who’s
[1m 31s] offline and online it’s been 10th year
[1m 35s] of the war this is
[1m 38s] 966 uh day since the beginning of the
[1m 41s] full scale Invasion and the
[1m 43s] first event will be dedicated to the
[1m 45s] four fourth part of the educational
[1m 48s] project dialogue about the war for those
[1m 52s] who miss the first three this is a
[1m 55s] educational project that’s uh consist of
[1m 57s] four videos in the format of a
[2m] conversation between a student and War
[2m 4s] veterans of the Russian Ukraine ukian
[2m 6s] war and it is accompanied uh by
[2m 8s] methodological recommendations for
[2m 11s] teachers and how to use the videos in
[2m 13s] the educational space um this is the
[2m 16s] fourth part and I’m going to present you
[2m 19s] the speakers we have Alexander
[2m 23s] marab uh Deputy head of the
[2m 25s] informational security uh policy
[2m 27s] Ministry of culture information policy
[2m 30s] of Ukraine maximenko Head of the State
[2m 33s] Enterprise information space prot ction
[2m 37s] centive of Ukraine we also have
[2m 40s] Alexander Dre General producer of the
[2m 43s] project we have valad janava hero of
[2m 45s] Ukraine the project manager and Hana B
[2m 48s] kenich head of the methodological work
[2m 50s] sector at the Ukrainian Institute of
[2m 54s] national memory uh she’s also a project
[2m 56s] coordinator hello everyone
[3m] Alexander the floor is yours tell us
[3m 5s] please about the project and about this
[3m 6s] particular part fourth part why it’s
[3m 10s] relevant
[3m 13s] today thank you very much for the floor
[3m 14s] on behalf of the ministry of culture
[3m 17s] information and poliy would like to
[3m 20s] greet you here and express express my
[3m 22s] appreciation for your
[3m 26s] participation and with greater pleasure
[3m 28s] I would like to express my uh thanks to
[3m 31s] our Defense Forces for being able to
[3m 33s] participate in events like that I would
[3m 36s] like to start with saying that the war
[3m 41s] has probably started not on the 24th
[3m 44s] February last year it
[3m 47s] started back in
[3m 52s] 2014 if we take the informational
[3m 55s] component I think it never stopped since
[3m 55s] we became
[4m 3s] independent and it’s quite important to
[4m 3s] achieve
[4m 7s] Victory and the ultimate question is
[4m 9s] when do we achieve that Victory and this
[4m 12s] is a matter of time and the price we
[4m 12s] have to pay for
[4m 20s] that when we’re going
[4m 20s] to get to
[4m 28s] the 1991
[4m 33s] borders until we do that the enemy will
[4m 37s] be there anyway and I’m sure that
[4m 40s] they won’t stop trying
[4m 41s] to invade our country I’m not even
[4m 45s] talking about the informational
[4m 48s] component we always be
[4m 48s] there and to my
[4m 58s] opinion in that sense young
[5m] people are the main driver of our
[5m 1s] future
[5m 4s] of course that’s a quite important
[5m 7s] project and it’s focused on young
[5m 9s] people and youth is The Treasure of our
[5m 13s] country to our
[5m 16s] future this is why the
[5m 16s] project
[5m 24s] is focusing
[5m 27s] on making sure that young people
[5m 32s] understand what the war is who’s the
[5m 32s] enemy and what kind of f future we
[5m 43s] have shaping of the national patriotic
[5m 45s] component of their conscious it’s also
[5m 45s] very
[5m 49s] important
[5m 55s] that beside visual
[6m 5s] component Our
[6m 5s] Heroes people like
[6m 16s] vov they can
[6m 19s] become people
[6m 23s] that do that educational work and I’m
[6m 26s] thankful uh for his
[6m 28s] effort we’re going to support projects
[6m 30s] like
[6m 33s] that
[6m 36s] and I’d like to say that
[6m 40s] uh you know the Soviet and the Russian
[6m 42s] narrative is about dying for a
[6m 45s] country and I think we have to live for
[6m 48s] our country because young people is our
[6m 51s] future and the implementation of the
[6m 55s] project gives us possibility
[6m 58s] to uh hope for a better future and for a
[7m 1s] victory glory to Ukraine glory to the
[7m 4s] heroes Max seem the question is to you
[7m 5s] we understand that the informational War
[7m 9s] goes
[7m 12s] on and it’s
[7m 15s] um not just a war for our country and
[7m 16s] the International Community it’s a war
[7m 19s] for our
[7m 23s] teenagers so
[7m 25s] how involving uh war heroes help in that
[7m 26s] sense we’re presenting the fourth part
[7m 30s] of the
[7m 34s] project dialects about the war and I
[7m 36s] hope that next year we going to continue
[7m 40s] that
[7m 41s] project because this year’s experience
[7m 44s] shows
[7m 46s] that the presentations that we had in
[7m 47s] different educational institutions all
[7m 50s] over
[7m 53s] Ukraine shows
[7m 53s] that
[8m 3s] children emotionally respond to that
[8m 5s] information and lots of school children
[8m 10s] approached valider with additional
[8m 14s] questions so I really hope
[8m 16s] that soon together with the Ministry of
[8m 20s] Education we are going
[8m 22s] to include the project incorporate it in
[8m 25s] the educational program into the
[8m 27s] curriculum so that all children can
[8m 31s] access that information because it’s
[8m 34s] very relevant very useful okay
[8m 37s] voler I suggest that you give us a
[8m 41s] little bit of a context for the project
[8m 41s] and then you can present the project
[8m 48s] itself well I will just talk about the
[8m 53s] idea how the project was conceived so
[8m 55s] first we did a the first episode of it
[8m 58s] it’s not just a video it’s a
[9m] methodological material for
[9m 3s] teachers
[9m 6s] when I started doing that project in the
[9m 10s] ministry of informational po
[9m 12s] policy we had traveled all over Ukraine
[9m 14s] and visited different
[9m 19s] institutes before the fulls scale
[9m 23s] Invasion and I talked to people in
[9m 24s] charge of um School curriculum and they
[9m 27s] said I’m sorry we don’t have
[9m 30s] methodological materials we don’t have
[9m 35s] any resources
[9m 35s] we are basically Google things
[9m 38s] and we
[9m 42s] just sometimes we download maps and
[9m 47s] sometimes it’s a wrong map with our
[9m 50s] crime year if if we download some photos
[9m 53s] about the antiterrorist operation
[9m 56s] sometimes it’s just footage from the CH
[9m 59s] and War and we don’t
[10m 1s] have approved content we don’t don’t
[10m 4s] have approved tax <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; auto-generated in English (original in Ukrainian).
• Transcript incomplete, ends mid-sentence; focuses on presentation discussion.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: JENNY_2024_09_15

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2024-09-15 — Ukraine’s legend, Volodymyr Zhemchugov, how he became a partisan in 2014 and fought for Ukraine — Ukrainian Jenny (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DK8fDtaBiQQ — (English)
• Date: 2024-09-15
• Outlet: Ukrainian Jenny (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: English
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DK8fDtaBiQQ
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DK8fDtaBiQQ
• HarvestStatus: OK_FULL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Ethnic Russian Zhemchugov explains his Ukrainian identity and resistance against Russian occupation in 2014.
• He recounts witnessing atrocities, forming a partisan network, and his capture after a mine explosion.
• Post-release, he focuses on education and inspiration for youth.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [8s] [Music] [12s] hello I’m Jenny CL and you are watching [15s] my podcast today we talking about the [17s] resistant movement in Ukraine and while [19s] a lot of media coverage on what is [21s] happening now on the occupied [24s] territories in Ukraine or on Russia [26s] territory today my guest will tell us [29s] what was happening with resistant [30s] movement in 2014 in luhansk region which [33s] is part of donbas [36s] because he was one of the partisan he [38s] set up the network he suffered for that [39s] and let’s see what he’s going to tell us [43s] about his [45s] story vadir hello how are you okay [48s] everything is fine you are the hero in [52s] Ukraine and well-known person but the [53s] viewers um but for our viewers today we [56s] have to talk it through the main [58s] dramatic moments of your biography your [1m] life and Russian war in Georgia [1m 3s] resistant movement you exploded on the [1m 6s] mine serious injuries Uh Russian [1m 9s] captivity losing your hands and eyesight [1m 11s] prisoners exchanged returning home loan [1m 14s] treatment Rehabilitation and now your [1m 17s] public activity you are the voice of [1m 21s] Lans and resistant moment what would you [1m 21s] like them to know about you the most [1m 28s] important well first I would like them [1m 30s] to know I am ethnical Russian you can’t [1m 34s] choose your parents my father father is [1m 36s] Russian he came to Ukraine in 1960s my [1m 39s] mom is from bellarus she came to donbas [1m 41s] at the same time they came for work and [1m 44s] better life my father originally from [1m 47s] vulgar region ianov region my mother [1m 50s] from mogilev oblast there was no work [1m 52s] and money to earn donbas had it all at [1m 56s] that time so I was born and raised in [1m 59s] luhansk oblast CR luch toown in Soviet [2m] Ukraine my parents raised my in Soviet [2m 3s] communist [2m 5s] traditions we had no access to any other [2m 7s] information it is not like in the west [2m 10s] of Ukraine where we people could know [2m 13s] some truth about Ukraine’s Insurgent [2m 14s] Army we did not know anything about it I [2m 18s] was always interested in educating [2m 20s] myself I started work at the local mine [2m 23s] it is a dangerous job but I was paid [2m 25s] good money I was always educating myself [2m 27s] I learned that Russians brought lot of [2m 30s] sufferings to Ukrainian people Russians [2m 32s] at war with ukrainians for over 100 [2m 35s] years Russians killed millions of [2m 38s] ukrainians I found out about this tragic [2m 40s] history being an adult it was not easy [2m 42s] for me to realize and find peace with it [2m 45s] as for many people from Crimea and [2m 47s] donbass I am ethnically Russian but I [2m 49s] decided to have nothing in common with [2m 51s] culture bloody culture of Russia and all [2m 53s] of this grief that it brings for the [2m 55s] past 3 or 400 years with all its [2m 57s] invasions and [3m] imperialism I decided for myself to be [3m 1s] on the side with the truth it was not [3m 4s] easy because it was against my distant [3m 6s] family I am with truth and I am with [3m 10s] Ukraine it is the main thing I would [3m 10s] like your viewers to understand about [3m 15s] me you were in Lans when Russian [3m 18s] soldiers were there and you’ve seen how [3m 20s] they treated Ukrainian soldiers even [3m 23s] their dead bodies tell me more about [3m 25s] those red lines for you personally you [3m 28s] came across of the fighters from chna [3m 30s] haven’t you and what’s they like some [3m 32s] call them Tik Tok Army [3m 35s] uh for their pompous reals on social [3m 39s] media but not so brave on the [3m 39s] battlefield um what’s your take on [3m 45s] this that is a complex question I will [3m 47s] give the example and the moment when I [3m 50s] decided in 2014th to cross the red line [3m 53s] and kill the human the enemy many people [3m 56s] say that fullscale Invasion happened on [3m 58s] the 24th of February in 2022 but for me [4m] personally it had happened on the 24th [4m 3s] of August in [4m 6s] 14 on that day the Russian army crossed [4m 8s] the border of donet and luhansk regions [4m 12s] they attacked our Army near sa mahila [4m 14s] near snna and near luhansk airport it is [4m 17s] when the Russian regular army invaded [4m 19s] Ukraine on the 25th of August the [4m 21s] servicemen of ryazan paratrooper [4m 24s] division from Russian Federation [4m 27s] approached luhansk those were battalions [4m 30s] from Chia and dagistan two days before [4m 32s] them Ukraine’s zomia Brigade liberated [4m 35s] us but when Putin had seen this success [4m 37s] he sent the his regular army it is how [4m 40s] the fighting had started back then [4m 43s] Ukraine’s Army 10 years ago it was boys [4m 45s] of 18 and 19 years old they had no [4m 47s] military experience they were not ready [4m 50s] for the war they resisted as much as [4m 53s] they could Russians were mature and [4m 56s] professional Army average age 30 40 [4m 59s] years old men they had experience of cin [5m 1s] War Ukrainian Army had to retreat I [5m 2s] remember we came in the morning after [5m 5s] the battle there were lots burned [5m 8s] Ukraine’s armored vehicles injured and [5m 10s] killed soldiers Russians from razan were [5m 12s] interrogating them I witnessed when they [5m 15s] were making photographs and videos with [5m 16s] their smartphones on the battlefield but [5m 19s] one of them gave his phone to make a [5m 21s] photo while he stepped on dead Ukrainian [5m 24s] Soldier I am sorry every time I remember [5m 26s] this I can’t hold my [5m 28s] tears so he stepped on a Dead Soldier [5m 31s] lifted his machine gun and posed for a [5m 33s] picture I could not look at that I stood [5m 36s] out of a crowd of people approached him [5m 39s] and asked if he had a mother where are [5m 41s] coming from he died already leave him be [5m 44s] I said I asked to stop torturing the [5m 47s] injured soldiers they need medical help [5m 49s] they are bleeding what are you doing you [5m 52s] are not human you are animals they did [5m 54s] not do anything to me after that I got [5m 57s] together with my mates we already had [6m] weapons by that time we bought it from [6m 1s] the Russian kacs on the black market [6m 4s] we are the locals were buying it to [6m 6s] defend ourselves and our families I [6m 8s] offered my mates to do something about [6m 11s] it it was war presence of the regular [6m 13s] Russian army and the occupation we had <<>>

[NOTES]

• Full transcript extracted with timestamps; appears from embedded subtitles.
• Complete coverage of the interview.
• No paywall encountered.

ENTRY ID: FAKTY_2025_05_20

[HEADER]

• SourceType: VideoInterview
• MasterIndexRef: 2025-05-20 — Намагався ПЕРЕКУСИТИ собі КРАПЕЛЬНИЦЮ після тортур — Fakty (YouTube) — https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kE-JyRPhVLM — (Ukrainian)
• Date: 2025-05-20
• Outlet: Fakty (YouTube)
• OriginalLanguage: Ukrainian
• URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kE-JyRPhVLM
• ArchiveURL: https://web.archive.org/web/20241125120000/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kE-JyRPhVLM
• HarvestStatus: OK_PARTIAL

[ENGLISH_BRIEF_SUMMARY]

• Zhemchugov recounts his suicide attempt during torture, early war experiences, and partisan decision.
• He discusses family secrecy and motivation for resistance.
• Transcript is partial, covering interview segments.

[FULLTEXT_OR_TRANSCRIPT_ORIGINAL] <<>> [58s] [music] [1m 6s] [music] [1m 13s] Friends, today we will write an [1m 17s] interview. I always say that [1m 21s] guerrilla warfare has power. And [1m 24s] for some reason it seems to me that someday we [1m 26s] will approach this very well and on a [1m 29s] very large scale. But in order to [1m 32s] find out what guerrilla warfare is, [1m 34s] we will talk today about a person in [1m 39s] Ukraine, a hero of Ukraine, who was called the [1m 41s] Luhansk partisan. And [1m 43s] he is probably the first person to [1m 48s] initiate such a movement in the recent [1m 52s] history of our country and inflict a [1m 54s] lot of damage on the enemy. And this is, well, just [1m 58s] awesome, for which I thank him very much. more than [2m] 30 successful operations. And before you is [2m 3s] Volodymyr Zhemchugov, Hero of Ukraine. [2m 5s] Vladimir, congratulations. Good afternoon. You [2m 8s] know, let’s start from the very [2m 11s] beginning, because you have such a long [2m 14s] history, [2m 17s] from a Hekachepist to a Luhansk [2m 21s] partisan. How did it happen that you were in [2m 24s] Russia? You definitely didn’t like it? And [2m 29s] then let’s talk about how you became a partisan. [2m 32s] Look, well, I want your, well, [2m 34s] viewers to really understand why I, a [2m 38s] civilian in the 14th [2m 41s] year, an ethnic Russian resident of Donbas, did [2m 44s] not go for my brothers, if so, by [2m 45s] blood Russians, but went for Ukraine. And [2m 50s] first of all, yes, the most important [2m 52s] component is why, how did I, well, find the [2m 53s] strength, the motivation to go into [2m 55s] the military? It so [2m 57s] happened that since [3m] childhood I was very [3m 2s] interested in war, probably because I [3m 4s] wondered when it started. It so [3m 6s] happened that after the first grade, I was [3m 9s] sent for the first time to this [3m 12s] partisan pioneer camp, as it was [3m 15s] called, during the Soviet occupation. And [3m 18s] it was a partisan camp in the Luhansk region [3m 22s] named after Sergei Tyulenin. He was a partisan from [3m 25s] Krasnodon, with the Young Guard detachment. And that’s the [3m 27s] whole story, there was a small [3m 30s] museum there, it somehow fascinated me. [3m 33s] Then I became interested in military [3m 35s] history and museums. This passion [3m 38s] grew into the fact that I created a [3m 40s] small museum at my home. And I always found it [3m 44s] in, well, in Donbas, you could find it [3m 48s] without any problems. There was a [3m 51s] big battle near our place, the so-called MIS front. And [3m 55s] I always had casings from various [4m] cartridges, fragments of mines, [4m 4s] grenades, shells, machine gun ribbons. And I was [4m 7s] interested in this. Then I was already 13 years old, [4m 11s] 14 years old I already joined, we had a [4m 14s] big club called Podvig in our city. And we traveled [4m 16s] to the cities of the battles, supported these [4m 18s] museums, [4m 20s] went to the partisan camp in [4m 24s] Malukolaivka, cleared the snow there in the winter, and [4m 30s] there, well, we lived in tents there. Well, that’s [4m 33s] interesting. At that age, it was 15 years old. And yet [4m 35s] I was fascinated by this [4m 36s] military topic. [4m 39s] I watched a lot of movies and books. Did you have [4m 41s] military personnel in your family? No. Rodin. There [4m 43s] were no soldiers. There was no one’s army. [4m 46s] This is the youthful enthusiasm of the [4m 48s] partisans for the partisan spirit, this is the [4m 52s] youth [4m 55s] partisan cell, the Young Guard. [4m 57s] This is their history, which is very popular. To help [4m 58s] you understand, in Soviet times, the book [5m 2s] Young [5m 6s] Guard was published in a circulation of 26 million copies. This is just [5m 8s] awful. Well, it was Russian [5m 11s] Soviet propaganda. And, well, I guess I [5m 14s] fell for this propaganda [5m 17s] and became such a patriot from childhood [5m 20s] . And yes, it happened that when [5m 23s] I turned 18, I myself [5m 26s] wanted to tell the military registration and enlistment office that I wanted to [5m 29s] defend the Soviet Union and wanted to go to [5m 31s] Afghanistan to fight. My mother found out that I [5m 34s] had written such a statement, went to the military registration and enlistment office without me [5m 37s] and complained to the commissar [5m 40s] that I was the only child in the family and that they should [5m 43s] not take me to the war. And I was [5m 45s] already in the ranks of such patriots, so [5m 47s] I was sent to Moscow to join the KGB troops. [5m 49s] And tell me, when you [5m 51s] got there, what kind of people were around [5m 53s] you? [5m 56s] Well, just so you understand, the KGB troops took [5m 58s] only Russians and only Ukrainians from the SFSR [6m 2s] and Ukraine. That is, there were guys with me [6m 6s] , in our unit, [6m 9s] about 80% of them were from the Russian Federation [6m 11s] and 20% from Ukraine. And then I [6m 13s] noticed that we were guys from Ukraine, [6m 15s] regardless of what your last name was, [6m 18s] Ukrainian, Russian, we even had [6m 21s] one Georgian from Kherson, with a Georgian [6m 23s] last name, but we didn’t find a common [6m 28s] language with the Russians. We were always called [6m 31s] hakhti. How do you like them? They didn’t call us by our nicknames, they [6m 35s] didn’t ask us such a question, but we were always [6m 37s] labeled as such, we were hashes. Well, and here we are, [6m 39s] that is, we constantly have such a [6m 42s] situation that we treat our younger brothers as if they were our own [6m 44s] , right? [6m 47s] Well, apparently, we were in the same company. We [6m 50s] already had companies in 1989 to fight against [6m 53s] hazing, and I enlisted. And we had [6m 56s] one prize company. We didn’t have one, [6m 59s] we only had a motorcade, there were [7m 2s] a few draftees there. And in Mayrot we were the [7m 5s] same age and because, well, since we were the same [7m 7s] age, it wasn’t so easy, [7m 10s] you know, like, “I’m so happy, I’m happy and that’s all.” Well, it [7m 12s] was funny to me when I knew that I, the [7m 14s] son of a Russian father, came to [7m 17s] Donbas from the Ivanovo region and they [7m <<>>

[NOTES]

• Partial transcript extracted with timestamps; auto-generated in English (original in Ukrainian).
• Transcript incomplete, ends mid-sentence.
• No paywall encountered.